fredag 15. februar 2013

EPRDF’s Ethiopia: a Symbol of Slavery in the Midst of “Prosperity




Posted: 15 Feb 2013 07:47 AM PST
 
Posted by |February 12, 2013|

Author, Amsale Getnet Aberra LL.M student at the University of Washington
Ethiopia being the cradle of human kind and the land of cultural richness. I have also met individuals including academicians and policy makers with their own beliefs and biases that Ethiopians as coming from the land of extreme poverty, their exodus to the Middle East and beyond was the only way to survival and their (our) being was dependent on the charity of other countries including the Arab world. I was even told that Ethiopians who fled their country out of their economic desperation deserved all the treatment they receive in their new destinations as they need to confirm to the value system of their new community.

The conversation I have had about the treatment of Ethiopians in the Arab world, although always end up with me being offended about what was said about my country and about my people, it always brings to my mind the assertion of the EPRDF that our economy has been hailed for its double digit growth making the country the top three African economies.

  I am not an economist by profession but as a citizen of the country, I have witnessed the level of poverty that pushes people to take extreme risks to leave our country, the income inequality and a few ethnically cloned well-to-do groups running the country. It is also worth mentioning here that EPRDF’s ethnic federalism policy that has brought to power the Tigray minority into much of the public sector has been corrupt and unaccountable exposing the rest of the population to extreme poverty. For example, according to Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, Ethiopia is perceived to be among the most corrupt nations and ranks 113rd out of 174 countries in 2012, giving context to the income disparity along the lines of ethnicity and political affiliations.

Ethiopia through the Lenses of Forced Migration 

I would like to mention that the perils of the Ethiopian community as refugees, internally displaced persons or those subject to human trafficking is worth an in-depth exploration and cannot possible be done justice to in just a few words. I would, therefore, like to mention to my readers that the following are a few case studies dealing with the ordeal of Ethiopian men and women who have been trafficked en-route to Yemen, Israel and Southern Africa.

On the same note, although Ethiopian migrants might have a refugee claim on their own rights due to the persecution that they faced at the hands of the Ethiopian government, mostly on account of their political opinion, religion or ethnicity, the article does not particularly deal with recognized Ethiopian refugees per-se. Therefore, my reference to Ethiopian migrants could include potential refugees for the purposes of the UN refugee convention and/ or economic migrants.

Dying in Vain: The Ugly truth of Human Trafficking 
En-Route to Yemen and Beyond

“Desperate Choices, conditions, risks and protection failures affecting Ethiopian migrants in Yemen”, a research project published by the Danish Refugee Council and the Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat depicts the disturbing reality of migration (mostly illegal) of Ethiopians to Yemen as a final destination or as a route to Saudi Arabia and the greater Middle East. According to the 2012 Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat report, 75,000 Ethiopian migrants have travelled irregularly into Yemen in the year 2011.

  Ethiopian migrants who have made the desperate choice to travel on land from Ethiopia across Djibouti or Somalia and then by sea across the Arabian and Red Sea are faced with death from starvation, dehydration, banditry, suffocation from travelling in an overcrowded boat, drowning and even killing by their own smugglers and boat owners.

The following excerpts of interviews with an Ethiopian migrant who travelled from Wollo to Yemen followed by an Ethiopian male migrant from Addis Ababa to the same destination are clear representations of not only the physical, psychological and emotional violence Ethiopian migrants face but also the traumatic experience they had to endure to free themselves from among other things, poverty, human rights violations and political suppression in the EPRDF’s Ethiopia.
There were so many dead bodies and skeletons en route from my home in Wollo [Ethiopia] to the coast in Djibouti that if you had to make the journey on your own you would not get lost because you could follow the remains of all those people who had failed to complete their journey.
An Ethiopian female migrant from Wollo
We were sad, angry and had lost hope due to the voyage. How many are thrown by the owner of the boat…how many are drown near the beach. We couldn’t help those (who) drown near to the beach since it was dark.
An Ethiopian Male migrant from Addis Ababa

The unfortunate reality of the Ethiopian migrants in Yemen, Saudi Arabia or any of the Gulf countries is not much different from what they faced in their own country Ethiopia. The Ethiopian migrant populations are subject to, among other things human rights abuses, sexual violence, extreme poverty, workplace discrimination and harassment by the authorities without any support from the Ethiopian embassies or consulates abroad.

The Ethiopian migrants as they are referred as “the boat people” are also subject to deportation back to Ethiopia, irrespective of the cause of their migration, either as economic migrants or as potential refugees for having fear of past or future persecution at the hands of the EPRDF government.

Objectified: How much is Your Heart Worth? 

The second set of Ethiopian migrants with the hopes of finding freedom from want and political suppression travel to Sudan and then to Egypt, a final destination or a transit country for some who want to continue to Israel passing through the Senai Peninsula, Libya or the Northern Mediterranean.
The desperation of the Ethiopian migrants that has forced them to flee their country in the worst possible way is filled with risks, especially when crossing the Senai dessert. CNN’s documentary “a deadly journey through the dessert” depicts the plight of refugees and migrants from the horn of Africa who try to cross the Senai dessert into Israel.

 The inhumane and degrading treatments inflicted by the traffickers with the hopes of receiving ransom include rape, beating, torture and electrocution. Local human rights groups including New Generation Foundation for Human Rights have also reported the booming lucrative illegal organ trafficking industry in Egypt which is primarily based on stealing body parts of migrants, including Ethiopians while they are still alive.

The plight of Ethiopian migrants also continues inquiry into the killing and disappearance of migrants on the Egyptian Israeli border and explained the situation as; ”while migrants often lose their lives accidentally while traveling in over-crowded boats, orwhen they are subject to “Egypt’s shoot to kill policy” while attempting to enter Israel via the Senai dessert. The former High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay underscored the need for an  trying to cross remote land borders, I know of no other country where so many unarmed migrants and asylum-seekers appear to have been deliberately killed in this way by Government forces.”.

The lucky few African migrants, including Ethiopians who have made it to Israel are also subject to detention and deportation back to their respective countries according to Israel’s policy of preserving the Jewish Character of the state with its xenophobic touch. Therefore, African refugees and migrants of over sixty thousand, also known as “infiltrators” are at risk of deportation back to their governments who might have persecuted them and due to structural discrimination and violence subjected them to extreme poverty and deprivation of resources.

En-route to Southern Africa and Beyond 

African migrants including Ethiopian, Eritrean and Somalis use Kenya and Tanzania as a passage route to South Africa, which for some is a final destination or a way to oversees countries. The plight of the Ethiopian migrants that resulted in the death of 42 Ethiopian migrants who had been packed into a track heading from Tanzania to Malawi last year in June cannot be forgotten. According to a survivor who was lucky enough to live through the ordeal, the 127 Ethiopian migrants who had started their journey from Ethiopia in two tracks travelled through Nairobi and Arusha in Tanzania until they were transferred into one truck, which resulted in their death due to lack of oxygen in the container.

The death toll of Ethiopian migrants attempting to cross into Malawi and then to Mozambique to make it to South Africa is very much on the rise. The ordeal of a 55-year-old evangelist minister and political dissident from southern Ethiopia who had to pay smugglers to take him from Moyale in Kenya to Johannesburg in South Africa included being left by the smugglers for five days without any food or water near the Malawi border which led to the death of many other migrants due to heat and malaria. The Ethiopian migrant who had been interviewed by IRIN which is the news portal for UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, explained that while he was into hiding near the Malwi border, another group of Ethiopian migrants using a different smuggler were attempting to cross Lake Malawi when their overloaded boat capsized, 47 of the migrants drowned.

Conclusion

The scale of tragedies faced by Ethiopian migrants is an indication of a thriving and deadly human smuggling industry that is costing Ethiopians a lot of valuable lives. However, despite the increase in fatalities, it seems not to have a deterrent effect on the decision made by the Ethiopian community struggling with conflict, political oppression, drought and extreme poverty to not to take such risky routes to leave their country. A decision of able-minded Ethiopians to take whatever risk comes to them including death is a sign of desperation and lack of choice in one’s own country created by the dictatorship of the EPRDF regime and its lack of good governance..

Filed in: News , Views & PR
Posted: 15 Feb 2013 06:35 AM PST


Posted: 15 Feb 2013 04:14 AM PST

By William Davison, CSM; February 15, 2013

The strategic Horn of Africa country is one-third Muslim and two-thirds Christian; why is its state-TV ginning up religious tension? 

Ethiopia, a US ally in the battle against Al Qaeda-affiliated militants in Somalia, added to mounting worries about religious discord in the diverse east African state by screening a provocative documentary on Islamic extremism.

Ethiopian Muslims are furious about the film, which they say dishonestly blurs the distinction between legitimate political protest and violence by using lurid images of foreign terrorists that have nothing to do with them.

The program, Jihadawi Harekat(Holy War Movement), ran on state-TV at peak watching hours last week, and it associates local Muslim protesters now on trial with militant groups such as Nigeria's brutal Boko Harammovementand Somalia's Al Shabab, as well as unrelated Ethiopian militants.

Currently, 29 leaders of a Muslim protest movement, and representatives of two Islamic charities are on trial in Addis Ababa, facing charges of plotting violence to create an Islamic state. The trial is being held behind closed doors in order to protect some 200 witnesses, according to the government.

The Muslim defendants were arrested in August after nearly a year of nonviolent protests over what they allege is unconstitutional Ethiopian state meddling in Islamic affairs.

"The risks posed by violent religious radicalism in Ethiopia are not imaginary," says Jon Abbink, senior researcher from the African studies center at Leiden University in the Netherlands. "But the documentary is probably over-doing it; the susceptibility of Muslims in Ethiopia to Al Qaeda-like radicalization is slim," he says, adding that the film would appear to "delegitimize" peaceful political disagreements by Muslims and set up the possibility of a "backlash."

Ethiopia is considered a stronghold of Sufism, an approach to the practice of Islam sharply at odds with that of Al Qaeda and aligned groups. The area has been heralded for centuries for the largely peaceful co-existence of its varied religious communities – though concerns are rising over extremism. 


Twice in recent years the Army has invaded Somalia to pursue and combat Islamist militants and salafis whose influence is said to be increasing on the Ethiopian side of the border. Muslims make up a third of a population of around 90 million in sub-Saharan Africa's second-most populous nation, according to CIA statistics. There are an estimated 57 million Christians

Ethiopia's key position in the Horn of Africa – adjacent to volatile Somalia and Sudan and in close proximity to the Middle East and North Africa – gives it an importance in the eyes of Western nations. It receives some $3 billion in strategic aid from various donors and Washington has looked on approvingly as Ethiopian troops take on militants in Somalia and as its peacekeepers patrol the flash-point Sudanese region of Abyei.In return, Ethiopia allows the US to fly surveillance drones over Somalia from the southern Ethiopian city of Arba Minch.

Stoking tensions

The Muslims who protested (largely peacefully) for nearly a year are led by a 17-man committee from the Awalia Muslim Mission school.

Those on trial say the state is leading a coercive campaign, pushing the nation’s 31 million Muslims towards identifying with a more moderate strain of Islam called Al Ahbash. They allege the government is fearful of a perceived new radical Islamic impulse and is attempting to strengthen its control of Ethiopia’s main Islamic national council.The group is demanding that Muslims be allowed to run their own affairs, and for their leaders to be released.

Government officials claim the campaign is a stalking-horse for extremists planning an Islamic takeover.Last week, in the midst of hot debate over the trial of the 29, Ethiopian Television [ETV] ran the hour long documentary, and then repeated it on consecutive days at peak-time after the news.

While authorities may have intended their documentary to be informative, it has in fact stoked fears among Christians about Muslim intentions, and reignited mass protests by Muslims at mosques.The film starts with shots of Al Shabab fighters in Somalia and scenes of carnage following Boko Haram bomb attacks in Nigeria. Then it segued to interviews with alleged militants, some from a cell of 15 Ethiopians recently arrested.

In the film, one man, Aman Assefa, told the cameras they were planning attacks in Ethiopia after being trained and armed by Al Shabab.Then, inexplicably, clips of interviews with some of the 29 on trial and of speeches from Awalia leaders followed. Then interviews with ordinary Ethiopian citizens appeared, saying that the Muslim group’s demands for more religious autonomy were bogus because there is ample religious freedom in Ethiopia.

In a phone interview after the film was aired, government spokesman Shimeles Kemal said the documentary revealed "loosely connected terror networks" in Ethiopia, with shared objectives. "The whole thing was coordinated by the government," says Kedir Mohammed, a taxi driver, expressing skepticism.

In recent days, some 90,000 Muslims, the biggest grouping since Ramadan in August, gathered around Grand Anwar, the largest mosque in Ethiopia, located in the Muslim-majority market area of Addis Ababa, after Friday prayers last week to respond. Signs proclaimed "ETV is a liar" and "ETV. Made in False."

"This is going to increase more and more until those people are released," says Mr. Kedir the taxi driver."There's no fear but people became more angrywith the government," says 17-year-old trader AbdulkarimMohammed.

Propaganda or public information?

Opposition politicians were similarly outraged when ETV, the only Ethiopian broadcaster, screened a comparably skewed program, Akeldama[Field of Blood], just as charismatic critics of the government Eskinder Nega and Andualem Arage were being prosecuted last year.

Dissidents view the latest broadcast as the natural act of a police state that is intolerant of dissent and dependent on divisive propaganda to focus public attention away from its misrule.

"Keep on recording at least half of your crimes, that is part of our collective memory," exiled Addis Neger newspaper editor Mesfin Negash wrote in a statement addressed to "Dear Oppressors" onFacebook.

"The only thing I like about your court drama is this aspect of recording your history of injustice and the crime you are committing in the name of justice."

Many ordinary citizens were divided over the film. Even some who are sympathetic to the government have questioned its timing in the midst of a high profile trial. Others have praised it.

"After watching the documentary my mother said something like 'I didn't know terrorist were that organized in Ethiopia and a threat to our country,' " says one viewer who said she considered the program "ridiculous" propaganda. "She said the government has done the right thing to crackdown before it gets worse."

A middle-aged rental agent from a Christian family alleged that a quarter of Muslims support extremists and that many newly wealthy Muslims are building mosques with cash from Gulf states, in a comment expressing typical frustration and suspicions among Christians.

"The government is trying to reduce the power of Muslims," he says, after asking for the interview to be moved away from a Muslim-owned property. 

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