Religion and Terrorism: A Human Rights Approach Posted: 30 Jan 2013 11:32 AM PST

Federalism or Internal Colonialism: The Ethiopian situation Posted: 29 Jan 2013 12:01 PM PST by Yilma Bekele “The tragic reality of today is reflected in the true plight of our spiritual existence. We are spineless and cannot stand straight.“ Ai Weiwei – Chinese dissident. As a concept there is nothing wrong with Federalism as a system of government. There are plenty of examples of such arrangement like as in the USA, Canada, Germany, Mexico and India among others where it has shown to work. That is the system TPLF under Meles and company told the Ethiopian people that they are attempting to construct. It has been over twenty years now since the work has started and the question in front of us is, how is it going? How is Federalism working in our country? I will tell you about a specific powerful institution in Ethiopian and you the reader, be the judge. The governmental body I have in mind is one of the most important and key sector of our economy and it is currently named Ethio Telecom. Here is a brief description of the history of the telephone in Ethiopia. The first telegraph line was between Harar and Addis Abeba in 1889. Emperor Haile Sellasie established the Imperial Board of Telecommunications of Ethiopia in 1952. Derge reorganized it as Ethiopian Telecommunication Service and later on as Ethiopian Telecommunications Authority (ETA) in 1976 and 1981. In 1996 TPLF replaced that with Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation. It was born again as Ethio Telecom in 1910.  The Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation is the oldest Public Telecommunications Operator (PTO) in Africa.  In our country Ethiopia the Federal Government owns the country including resources, land and most of the vital economy. Communication tools such as television, radio, telephone and Internet are fully owned and operated by the Federal Government. The Ethiopian government is the number one employee in the country

በጉርዳፈርዳ በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚደርሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ረጋጣ ቀጥሏል

ጥር ፳፪ (ሀያ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፭ ዓ/ም

ኢሳት ዜና:-በደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ቤንች ማጂ ዞን በጉርዳፈርዳ ወረዳ በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚደርሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ረገጣ መቀጠሉ ተገለጸ።

በወረዳው ባለፈው ታህሳስ አንዲት የ8 ልጆች እናት በጥይት ሲገደሉ፣ ሁለት ህጻናት በመስተዳድሩ መኪና ተገጭተው መሞታቸውን የመኢአድ ም/ሊ/መንበር አቶ ወንድማገኝ ደነቀ ለኢሳት ገልጸዋል።

ታህሳስ 28/ 2005 ከምሽቱ 4 ሰአት ሲሆን 5 መሳሪያ የታጠቁ ወተዳሮች የ8 ልጆች እናት የሆኑትን ወ/ሮ አይቼሽ ስጦታውን በመኖሪያ ቤታቸው እንደገደሉዋቸው  ነው ም/ ሊቀመንበሩ የተናገሩት።

ጥር 15 ቀን 2005 ዓ/ም ደግሞ የ4 እና የ7 አመት ህጻናት በመስተዳድሩ መኪና ተገጭተው ህይወታቸው ማለፉን ከአቶ ወንድማገኝ ማብራሪያ ለመረዳት ተችሎአል።

ሌሎች 23 የአማራ ተወላጆች በወህኒ ቤት በመሰቃየት ላይ መሆናቸውንም_ የመኢአድ ተቀዳሚ የፐም/ል ፕሬዚዳንቱ አክለዋል።

በጉዳዩ ዙሪያ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናትን ለማናገር ብንሞክርም አልተሳካልንም።

በጉርዳፈርዳ በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚደርሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ረጋጣ ቀጥሏል

ጥር ፳፪ (ሀያ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፭ ዓ/ም

ኢሳት ዜና:-በደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ቤንች ማጂ ዞን በጉርዳፈርዳ ወረዳ በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚደርሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ረገጣ መቀጠሉ ተገለጸ።

በወረዳው ባለፈው ታህሳስ አንዲት የ8 ልጆች እናት በጥይት ሲገደሉ፣ ሁለት ህጻናት በመስተዳድሩ መኪና ተገጭተው መሞታቸውን የመኢአድ ም/ሊ/መንበር አቶ ወንድማገኝ ደነቀ ለኢሳት ገልጸዋል።

ታህሳስ 28/ 2005 ከምሽቱ 4 ሰአት ሲሆን 5 መሳሪያ የታጠቁ ወተዳሮች የ8 ልጆች እናት የሆኑትን ወ/ሮ አይቼሽ ስጦታውን በመኖሪያ ቤታቸው እንደገደሉዋቸው  ነው ም/ ሊቀመንበሩ የተናገሩት።

ጥር 15 ቀን 2005 ዓ/ም ደግሞ የ4 እና የ7 አመት ህጻናት በመስተዳድሩ መኪና ተገጭተው ህይወታቸው ማለፉን ከአቶ ወንድማገኝ ማብራሪያ ለመረዳት ተችሎአል።

ሌሎች 23 የአማራ ተወላጆች በወህኒ ቤት በመሰቃየት ላይ መሆናቸውንም_ የመኢአድ ተቀዳሚ የፐም/ል ፕሬዚዳንቱ አክለዋል።

በጉዳዩ ዙሪያ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናትን ለማናገር ብንሞክርም አልተሳካልንም።

በጉርዳፈርዳ በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚደርሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ረጋጣ ቀጥሏል

ጥር ፳፪ (ሀያ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፭ ዓ/ም

ኢሳት ዜና:-በደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ቤንች ማጂ ዞን በጉርዳፈርዳ ወረዳ በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚደርሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ረገጣ መቀጠሉ ተገለጸ።

በወረዳው ባለፈው ታህሳስ አንዲት የ8 ልጆች እናት በጥይት ሲገደሉ፣ ሁለት ህጻናት በመስተዳድሩ መኪና ተገጭተው መሞታቸውን የመኢአድ ም/ሊ/መንበር አቶ ወንድማገኝ ደነቀ ለኢሳት ገልጸዋል።

ታህሳስ 28/ 2005 ከምሽቱ 4 ሰአት ሲሆን 5 መሳሪያ የታጠቁ ወተዳሮች የ8 ልጆች እናት የሆኑትን ወ/ሮ አይቼሽ ስጦታውን በመኖሪያ ቤታቸው እንደገደሉዋቸው  ነው ም/ ሊቀመንበሩ የተናገሩት።

ጥር 15 ቀን 2005 ዓ/ም ደግሞ የ4 እና የ7 አመት ህጻናት በመስተዳድሩ መኪና ተገጭተው ህይወታቸው ማለፉን ከአቶ ወንድማገኝ ማብራሪያ ለመረዳት ተችሎአል።

ሌሎች 23 የአማራ ተወላጆች በወህኒ ቤት በመሰቃየት ላይ መሆናቸውንም_ የመኢአድ ተቀዳሚ የፐም/ል ፕሬዚዳንቱ አክለዋል።

በጉዳዩ ዙሪያ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናትን ለማናገር ብንሞክርም አልተሳካልንም።

በጉርዳፈርዳ በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚደርሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ረጋጣ ቀጥሏል

ጥር ፳፪ (ሀያ ሁለት) ቀን ፳፻፭ ዓ/ም

ኢሳት ዜና:-በደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ቤንች ማጂ ዞን በጉርዳፈርዳ ወረዳ በአማራ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚደርሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ረገጣ መቀጠሉ ተገለጸ።

በወረዳው ባለፈው ታህሳስ አንዲት የ8 ልጆች እናት በጥይት ሲገደሉ፣ ሁለት ህጻናት በመስተዳድሩ መኪና ተገጭተው መሞታቸውን የመኢአድ ም/ሊ/መንበር አቶ ወንድማገኝ ደነቀ ለኢሳት ገልጸዋል።

ታህሳስ 28/ 2005 ከምሽቱ 4 ሰአት ሲሆን 5 መሳሪያ የታጠቁ ወተዳሮች የ8 ልጆች እናት የሆኑትን ወ/ሮ አይቼሽ ስጦታውን በመኖሪያ ቤታቸው እንደገደሉዋቸው  ነው ም/ ሊቀመንበሩ የተናገሩት።

ጥር 15 ቀን 2005 ዓ/ም ደግሞ የ4 እና የ7 አመት ህጻናት በመስተዳድሩ መኪና ተገጭተው ህይወታቸው ማለፉን ከአቶ ወንድማገኝ ማብራሪያ ለመረዳት ተችሎአል።

ሌሎች 23 የአማራ ተወላጆች በወህኒ ቤት በመሰቃየት ላይ መሆናቸውንም_ የመኢአድ ተቀዳሚ የፐም/ል ፕሬዚዳንቱ አክለዋል።

በጉዳዩ ዙሪያ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናትን ለማናገር ብንሞክርም አልተሳካልንም።

ምርጫ ቦርድ እንደተጠበቀው ተጨማሪ የመመዝገቢያ ቀን ሰጠ

ጥር ፳፩ (ሀያ አንድ) ቀን ፳፻፭ ዓ/ም ኢሳት ዜና:-በተመዝጋቢዎች ድርቅ የተመታው መጪው የወረዳና የአካባቢ ምርጫ ምዝገባ ለሁለት ቀናት የተራዘመ ሲሆን፣ ኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች በዩኒቨርስቲዎች ሳይቀር እየገቡ፣ ግለሰቦች እንዲመዘገቡ ካልሆነ ግን ችግር እንደሚደርስባቸው እየገለጡ ነው። የኢሳት ምንጮች እንደገለጡት ካድሬዎቹ በዩኒቨርስቲዎች እየዞሩ ሰራተኞችን ተመዝግባችሁዋል አልተመዘገባችሁም እያሉ ሲጠይቁ ውለዋል። የኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች በምርጫው ያልተመዘገቡትን ” ከእኛ ጎን ናችሁ ወይስ ከአሸባሪዎች ” በማለት እያስፈራሩ እንደሚገኙ ኢሳት ያነጋገራቸው በርካታ ሰዎች መግለጻቸውን መዘገባችን ይታወሳል። 33 የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች፣ ለኢህአዴግ ምርጫ አጃቢዎች አንሆንም በማለት ራሳቸውን ለማግለል መወሰናቸውን መግለጻቸው ይታወሳል። ኢህአዴግ በበኩሉ ተቃዋሚዎች በምርጫው የማይሳተፉት ጥቅም ስለማያገኙበት ነው በማለት ተቃዋሚዎች ለወሰዱት እርምጃ መልስ ሰጥቷል። ምርጫ ቦርድ የተመዝጋቢዎች ቁጥር በእቅዱ የተቀመጠውን ያሟላ ነው በማለት ቢገልጽም ፣ ኢሳት ያገኘው መረጃ እንደሚያሳየው እስካሁን የተመዘገበው ህዝብ ከታቀደውም ከግማሽ በታች ነው።

የኢትዮጵያ አቦሸማኔዎችና አባ ዝምታዎች ትንሣኤ

ከፕሮፌሰር ዓለማየሁ ገብረማርያም ትርጉም ከነጻነት ለሃገሬ በአቦሸማኔዎች ምድር የጉማሬዎች (አባ ዝምታዎች) ዓለም በአዲስ ዓት መግቢያ ጦማሬ ላይ 2013ን ‹‹የኢትዮጵያ የአቦሸማኔ ዓመት››(የወጣቶቹ)  ብዬው ነበር፡፡ በዚህ ዓመትም የኢትዮጵያን ወጣቶች ለማስተማር፤ባሉበት ለመድረስ፤ለማሳሰብም ቃል ገብቼ ነበር:: የኢትዮጵያም የምሁራን አምባ ይህንኑ ለማድረግ ጥረት እንዲያደርጉ ተማጽኜ ነበር (በተለይም በከፍተኛው ጣርያ ላይ ያለነውን ምሁራን)፡፡ በተመሳሳይ ወጣቱን እንዲደርሱት አሳስቤም ነበር፡፡ ከዚህ ባለፈም ተማጽኖዬ ከሰፊው የጉማሬ ትውልድ ጋር (መንገዱ የጠፋው ትውልድ) እራሱን በማግኘት መስመሩን አስተካክሎ ጉዞውን እንዲያሳምርና ወጣቱን እንዲረዳ  ምኞቴን አስታዉቄ  ነበር፡፡ በጁን 2010 በግልጽ ባሰማሁት (የኢትዮጵያን ምሁራን ምን በላቸው?) የእንዳዳን ጥሪ (S.O.S)  እና አሁን ደሞ ‹‹የተሳካላቸውን ግድ የለሽ ምሁራን›› ጥሪው ጥሩ አቀባበል አላገኘም:: በተለይም በ‹‹ጉማሬያዊያን›› ላይ ያቀረብኩት ጥያቄ: በጨካኞች ሰው አጥፊዎች ላይ በሰብአዊ መብት ግፍ ፈጻሚዎች ላይ፤የአብረን እንሁን  እንስራ ተማጽኖዬ  በጣሙን የከረረ እምቢታና ጆሮ ዳባ ልበስ መልስ ነው የተሰጠው፡፡ ከአንዳንድ ጉማሬዎች ተረት መሰል አባባል እንደተረዳሁት እራሳቸውን በማመጻደቅ ከጳጳሱ ቄሱ እንዲሉ አይነት፤‹‹እከሳለሁ›› በሚል መልኩ ጣታቸውን ወደ ሌላው መቀሰርንነው፡፡ አንዳንዶች ሲተቹ እንዲያውም እራሴን በከፍተኛው ቦታ ላይ በማስቀመጥ፤ ለታይታ ብቻ በመጻፍ፤ እራሴን ለማስተዋወቅና ተወዳጅነትን ለማግኘት እንደምንቀሳቀስ አይነት ሃሳብ ሰንዘረዋል፡፡ በጉማሬዎች መሃል የተፈጠረው ድንጋጤና ስጋት፤እኔ ጉዳዩን ማንሳት እንዳልነበረብኝና ያደረግሁትም ሕዝባዊ ጥረቱን ክህደት፤ ስም ማጥፋትና የሚያሳፍር በመሆኑ፤ በራሳቸው የፈጠሩትን ሽባነትና ፍርሃት ጨርሶ ማንሳት እንዳልነበረብኝ አትተዋል፡፡ አንዳንዶችም ይህን አቦሸማኔና ጉማሬ የሚለውን  ዘይቤያዊ አነጋገር በመጠቀም፤ በወጣቱን በባለዕድሜው መሃል ልዩነትን ፈጠርክ ብለው ይኮንኑኛል፡፡ በኔ እምነት ግን ከሼክስፒር አባባል ልዋስና ‹‹ሁለቱም ወገኖች የምሬታቸው ሚዛን እኩልነው››:: የኔ እምነትና ፍላጎት ያንን ጥንታዊ የዝምታ ባህል ሽፋን ለመግለጥና አውነትን ብቻ ለገዢዎች ተብሎ ሳይወሰን፤እራሳቸውንም ለዝምታ መዳረግን ለመረጡትም ጭምር ነው፡፡ በዝምታ፤ ትክክለኛውን በስህተቱ መተካትም ትክክል አይደለም ብዬ አበክሬ አምናለሁ፡፡ በጸጥታ እኩይ ደባን እንደ ድል ማመንም፤በራሱ እኩይ ደባ መፈጸም ነው፡፡ ግፍን በዝምታ መመልከትም የለየለት የሞራል ሕገወጥነት ነው፡፡ ጥላቻን ተግባራቸው ካደረጉም ጋር መወገን በራሱ የጥላቻውአካል መሆን ነው፡፡ የሕግ ምሳሌያዊ አባባልም ‹‹ዝምታ ፈቃድ አለያም መስማማት ነው››፡፡ በይሉኝታ ብቻ በዝምተኞች የሚረጨው ውሃ በተጨቋኞች ልብና ሕሊና ውስጥ የሚፈላውን መከራና ቁጣ የሚያቀዘቅዝ አይሆንም፡፡ ሊዮናርዶ ዳ ቪንቺ እንዳለው፤ ‹‹እንደ ዝምታ የባለስልጣናትን ጉልበት የሚያጠናክር ምንም የለም››፡፡ እኔ ደግሞ‹‹አምባገነናዊ አስተዳደርን እንደ ዝምታ የሚያጠናክረው የለም እላለሁ፡፡ ማንም ቢሆን ጨቋኞችን በዝምታ ቋንቋ ሊያነጋግራቸው አይሆንለትምና፤  እውነት በሆነ የእምቢተኛነት ቋንቋ ሊያነጋግራቸው ይገባል፡፡ ዝምታ በምንም መልኩ የግብዞችና የአጭበርባሪዎች የመጨረሻው መሸሸጊያ ሊሆን አይገባም፡፡ አንዳንድ አበረታች የእድገት አዝማሚያዎች ይታያሉ፡፡ ባለፉት ሳምንታት በርካታ የነጻነት ብርሃን የፈነጠቁ አስተዋጽኦዎች በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ባለው ጨቋኝ ሥርአት ላይ እየታዩ ናቸው፡፡ ሙክታር ኦማር ‹‹አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ›› በሚለው የሃሰት ጽነሰ ሃሳብ ላይ፤ አውዳሚ ወይም አጥፊ የሆነ ግን እውነት ሂስ አስነብቦን ነበር፡፡ ‹‹በወቅቱ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ አለ የሚባለው እድገት በተገቢው አስተሳሰብ ሲመዘን ከውጭ መንግሥታት በሚቸር ዳረጎት እንጂ በአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ በሚጮኸው የመፈክር ጋጋት አይደለም::በትክክለኛው አስተሳሰብ የማርክሲዝም ኮሚኒዝምን ግንኙነት እና የአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲን ትስስር በሚገባ ያሳየናል፡፡” ሙክታር ሲያጠቃልል፤ “ከመለስ ዜናዊ  አስተሳሰብ ጋር ፍቅር ያላቸው ምሁራን ምክንያታዊ በማድረግ አስደንጋጫ የሆነውን የሰብአዊ መብት ሬኮርዱን ለመዘንጋት ካሰቡ እነሱም በፈቃደኝነት አለማወቅ ወንጀለኞች ናቸው፤ አለያም ከፕሮፌሰር ጆን ግሬይ ‹‹መሰራታዊ እኩይነት ከእድገት ክትትል ይወለዳል›› ከሚለው ምሁራዊ ማሳሰቢያ ጋር አይስማሙም፡፡ የኢትዮ ፎረም ድሕረ ገፅ  ዋና አዘጋጅ ‹‹ልማታዊው ኪስ አውላቂ ›› በሚል የአማርኛ ፅሁፍ፤ የአባይን ግድብ ለመጨረሻ ተብሎ በቢሊዮን ዶላር የሚሰበሰብለት፤በከንቱነት የሚነገርለት የሬኔሳንስ ቦንድ ግልባጭ መሆኑን በማስረጃ ያቀርብልናል፡፡ ሕዝቡ በችጋር እየተቆላና በጨቋኞች አለ አግባብ  እየተኮነነ የልማት ግድብ አለ ማለት ከንቱ ነው፡፡ ከእኔ በበለጠ ብልሆች የሆኑት የምከተለው ፍሬ ቢስ አቅጣጫ እንደሆነ ይነግሩኛል፡፡ ፊትህ ደም እስኪመስል መጮህ፤ማሳሰብ ትችላለህ፤ያም ሆኖም ግን ከኢትዮጵያ ጉማሬዎች ሰፋ ያለ ፖለቲካዊ ተሳትፎ ፤ ጥብቅና፤ እንቅስቃሴ ያደርጋሉ ብለህ ማመን ግን፤ ከቀይ ስር ደም አንደመጭመቅ የሚቆጠር ነው፡፡ ብልሆቹ እንደሚሉኝም፤ እነ አባ ዝምታን የዝምታ ዓለም ዝም ብሎ በአቦሸማኔዎች መሬት መጻፍ ይሻላል ነው::  እነሱን ከመጨቅጨቅ ዝም ብሎ ፤ እኩይነትን ላለመስማት ክፋትን ላለማየት፤ክፉ ላለመናገር በፈጠሩት የማስመሰያ አስደሳች መኖሪያቸው ዓለም እንዲኖሩ መተው ይሻላል ይሉኛል፡፡ እና እንደዚያ ላድርግ? ከአቦሸማኔዎች ጋር ዕምንትን  መልሶ  መገንባት ትልቅ ችግር አለን! በጣም ትልቅ፡፡ ‹‹እኛ›› ሁላችንም አቦሸማኔዎችና ጉማሬዎች ነን፡፡ እውነት እውነቱን እንነጋገር፡፡ ጉማሬዎች ከአቦ ሸማኔዎች ጋር የነበራቸውን እምነት አፍርሰዋል፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎች በጉማሬዎች ክህደትተፈጽሞብናል ይላሉ፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎች ተገፍተናል ጫና ተደርጎብናል ይላሉ፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎች ታማኝነታቸውና መስዋእትነታቸውበጉማሬዎች ተንኮል ተተክቶብናል ይላሉ፡፡ የአክብሮታችንና የታዛዥነታችን መልሱ ማንቋሸሽና ድፍረት ሆኗል ይላሉ፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎች፤ ጉማሬዎች ትህትናቸውን በአድርባይነት፤ ሃሳብ ተቀባይነታቸውን በግትርነት፤ ሰብአዊነታቸውን በክብረነክነት መልሰውልናል ይላሉ፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎች፤ ክህደት፤ ለእስራት ፤ተንኮል፤ውሸት፤መደናገር በጉማሬዎችተፈጸመብን ይላሉ፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎች የጉማሬዎችን ተጠያቂነት በማንሳታችን ተኮንነናል ይላሉ፡፡ እራሳቸውን በነጻ በመግለጻቸው ሰበብ በጉማሬዎች ዝምታ ለግፍ ስራ ተዳርገናል ይላሉ፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎች በጉማሬዎች ላይ እምነታቸውን አጥተዋል፡፡ ከበርካታ ኢትዮጵያዊያን አቦሸማኔዎች የምሰማው የስሞታ መግለጫ ይህን የመሰለ ነው፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎችይህን ማንሳታቸው፤ ቅሬታቸው፤ ስሜታቸው ትክክል ነው? ጉማሬዎችስ ይህን ያህል ደባ ፈጽመዋል? ስለ መተማመን መልሶ ግንባታ ከመነጋገራችን በፊት በቅድሚያ ወጣቱ ከባለእድሜዎቹ ጋር ስላለው አለመግባባት ትንሽ እናንሳ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ወጣቶች በየቀኑ በግዴታ የንስሃ ጸሎት በሚሰሙበትና የሚመዘኑትም በተፈጥሮ ስብእናቸው ሳይሆን በዘራቸው እንዲሆን በሚገደዱበት ቦታ ነው፡፡ ግላዊነት፤ዜግነት፤ሰብአዊነት የሌላቸው ዘረኝነት ብቻ የነገሰበትነው፡፡ ለዚህም ነው ‹‹የዘር ፌዴራሊዝም›› የሚባል መኖርያ የፈጠሩላቸው፡፡ ወጣቶቹ በሕይወት የመኖርያቸው ጣቢያ የተወሰነው በአእምሮ ብስለታቸው ችሎታ ሳይሆን፤ በነዚያ ማሰብ በተሳናቸው የግፍ አምባ ገዢዎች ፈቃድ መሆኑን በሚገባ ተረድተዋል፡፡ከአጋሮቻቸው ጋር በእኩል ከሚያስተሳስራቸው ሁኔታ ጋር ሳይሆን በሚያለያያቸው ላይ በይበልጥ እንዲያተኩሩ ተገድደዋል፡፡በዚህ እጅጉን እኩይ በሆነ ሰይጣናዊ አስተሳሰብና አካሄድ የሚያዳምጡት ነገር ቢኖር በዝምታ ከታገዱት የሚወጣውን የዝምታ ዱለታ ብቻ ነው፡፡ ከኢትዮጵያዊያን ወጣቶች ጋር አመኔታን መልሶ ለመገንባት በቅድሚያ ዝምታችንን በአምቢተኛነት በመለወጥ፤ እራሳችንን ከተለጎመበት በማላቀቅ፤ በማያወላውል ቆራጥ አቋም ላይ ማሰለፍ አለብን፡፡ ከወጣቶቹ ጋር እምንት ከመገንባታችን በፊት ከራሳችን ጋር መተማመን መቻል ይኖርብናል፡፡ ማለትም ወጣቱን ወገናችንን ከማዳናችን አስቀድሞ እራሳችንን ማዳን መቻል፡፡ ከራሳችን ጋር መተማመን ከመገንባታችን በፊት፤ ስለፈፀምነው ስህተትና ቸል ስላልነው ጉዳይ እራሳችንን ይቅር ማለት መቻል፡፡ በራሳችንና ትክክለኛነት በመተማመን፤ የነጻነትንና የሰብአዊ መብትን አስፈላጊነት አምነን መቀበል፡፡ ወጣቱ ወኔውን እንዲያጠናክር ከመንገራችን በፊት እኛ እራሳችንከፍርሃታችን መላቀቅ፡፡ ወጣቶቻችን እንደ አንድ እናት ኢትዮጵያ ልጆች መዋደድ እንዳለባቸው ከመንገራችን በፊትከውስጣችን ጥላቻን ማጥፋት፡፡ ከራሳችን ጋር መተማመን ለመፍጠር መቻል እንድንበቃ አስቀድመን ከምቾት ከልላችን፤ከምቾት ስብስባችን፤ ከምቾት አምባችንና ጎሳችን መላቀቅ፤ ቀደም ሲል ልናደርገው ሲገባን በችልታ ሳናደርገውየቀረውን ተግባር ለመፈጸም ዝግጁ መሆን አለብን፡፡  ማንኛቸውንም ጉዳይ ማድረግና መፈጸም የሚኖርብን እውነትና ትክክል ስለሆነ ብቻ እንጂ ከሌሎች ስለተፈቀደልን ወይም ስለተከለከልን ሊሆን ጨርሶ አይገባም፡፡ ጆርጅ ኦረዌል እንዳለው ‹‹በዓለም አቀፍ ማታለል ወቅት፤ እውነትን ገልጦ መናገር የእምቢታ ተግባር ተደርጎ ይታያል›› እንዲያ ከሆነም፤ ሁላችንም እምቢተኞች ሆነን ስልጣን ላይ ለተኮፈሱት፤ አቅመቢስ ለሆኑት፤ጉልበታቸውንና ሃይላቸውን ለተነጠቁት፤ ለየእራሳችንም እውነቱን ልንናገር ይገባል፡፡ ለአቻ ጉማሬ ወገኖቼ ሚዛናዊ ለመሆን፤ ለግፈኞች እውነቱን መናገር አንዳችም ለውጥ አያስገኝም በሚል እምነት ዝምለማለት መምረጣቸውን ይናገራሉ፡፡ ለግፈኞች እውነትን መናገር ጊዜ ማጥፋት ነው ይላሉ፡፡ ግፈኞች የሚያዳምጡትምሆነ ለመስማት ፈቃደኛ የሚሆኑት የመሳርያ ጩኸትን ብቻ በመሆኑ፤ ከነሱ ጋር ስለእውነት መናገር መመከሩ ከንቱድካም ነው ይላሉ፡፡ በዚህ ጉዳይ ላይ እኔ ልዩነት አለኝ፡፡ ለነጻነት፤ ለዴሞክራሲ፤ለሰብአዊ መብት በሚደረግ ትግል፤ መናገር የሰዎችን ሕሊናና ልብ ከጠመንጃ፤ ከመድፍ፤ ከጦር አውሮፕላን በበለጠ ያሸንፋል፡፡ ለዚህም ታሪክ እራሱ ምስክር ነው፡፡አሜሪካ በቪየትናም ለሽንፈት የተዳረገው የጦር አውሮፕላን፤የጦር መሳርያ፤ ቴክኒካዊ ብቃት፤ ወይም የገንዘብ አቅም በማጣቱ አልነበረም፡፡ አሜሪካ በጦርነቱ ለሽንፈት የተዳረገው የቪየትናማዊያንን ልብን ሕሊና ለማሸነፍ ባለመብቃቱ ነው፡፡ ሕሊናንና ልብን ለማሸነፍ በሚካሄድ ጦርነት ቃላት በጣሙን የጠነከሩ መሳርያዎች ናቸው፡፡ቃላት እንደምንፈጥራቸውና ገጣጥመን እንደምንጠቀምባቸው ቀላል አይደሉም፡፡ቃላት እጅጉን ሃያል ናቸው፡፡ቃላት ጨለማውን ያበራሉ፤የተጨፈነን አይን፤ የታሸጉ ዓይኖችን፤የተደፈኑ ጆሮዎችን፤ የተለጎሙ አፎችን ይከፍታሉ፡፡ ቃላትያነሳሳሉ፤ያሳውቃሉ፤ ሕይወት ይዘራሉ፡፡ በታሪክ ከፍተኛ ቦታዎች ከተሰጡት አንዱ የሆነው የጦር መሪ ናፖሊዮን ቦናፓርቴ፤ከጠብመንጃ ይልቅ ቃላቶችን አምርሮ ይፈራ ነበር፡፡ ለዚህ ነው ‹‹ከአንድሺህ ጦር መሳርያዎች፤አራት የጠላት ጋዜጦች ሊፈሩ ይገባል›› (ወይም ከሺ ጦረኛ አንድ ጋዜጠኛ ይፈራል) ያለው፡፡ ለዚህ ነው እኔም፤ ውድ የተሳካላችሁ ምሁራን ወዳጆቼም ሆኑ ሌሎችምበምር የዴሞክራሲ፤ የነጻነት፤ የሰብአዊ መብት፤ የሕግ የበላይነት መከበር፤ ደጋፊዎች ነን የሚሉት ሁሉ መነጋር፤ደግሞም መናገር፤ መናገር አሁንም መናገር ያለባቸውና ከዝምታ መጋረጃ ጀርባ ተጠቅልለው መሸሸግ የለባቸውም የምለው፡፡ እኔ የምለው፤ ዕውነትን ለግፈኞች ተናገሩ ነው::   እምነትን በሰብአዊ  መብት መለኮትነት፤ በዘር አክራሪነት ክፉነት ላይ አሳምኑ፤በግፊት፤በወንጀል ድርጊት ፊት፤ስልጣናቸውን አላግባብ በሚጠቀሙና ሕዝባዊ መብቶችን በመግፈፍ ለእኩይ ምግባር በተሰለፉ ፊት ጨርሶ ለዝምታ ቦታ አትስጡ፡፡ ከአቦሸማኔዎች ጋር መተማመንን መገንባት በጣሙን አስፈላጊ ነው፡፡ በጉማሬዎችና በአቦሸማኔዎች መሃል ያለው የትውልድ ክፍተት ጉዳይ አይደለም፡፡ያለው የመተማመን ክፍተት ነው፡፡የግምት ክፍተት፤የመግባባት ክፍተት፤ ከፍ ያለ የርህራሄ ክፍተት አለ፡፡ አቦሸማኔዎችንና ጉማሬዎችን የሚከፋፍላቸውን ክፍተት ለመዝጋት በርካታ ድልድዮች መሰራትአለባቸው፡፡ የ ”አቦጉማሬ” ትውልድ ትንሳኤ ‹‹አዲስ›› የ “አቦጉማሬ” ትውልድ አየመጣ ነው:: “አቦጉማሬ” አስተሳሰቡን፤ድርጊቱን፤ ጸባዩን ሁሉ እንደ አቦሸማኔ ለማድረግ የሚጥር  ማናቸዉም ሰው ነው፡፡ የጉማሬዎችን ገደብ እያወቀ ግን ለአንድ ግብ በአንድ ዓላማ አብሮ ለመስራት ፈቃደኛ የሆነ አቦሸማኔም: አቦጉማሬ ነው፡፡ “አቦጉማሬዎች” ድልድይ ሰሪዎች ናቸው፡፡ትውልድን ለማቀላቀል ወጣቱን ከባለእድሜው ጋር ለማድረግ ድልድይ ይሰራሉ፡፡ዴሞክራሲን፤ነጻነትን፤ ሰብአዊ መብትን ለማስከበር የሚጥሩ ሰዎችን ለማገናኘት ድልድይ ይሰራሉ፡፡ በዘር ገደል  የተከፋፈሉትን ለማገናኘት አግድመት ድልድይ በመስራት ከታሰሩበት የዘር ወህኒ ቤት ደሴት ያሸጋገራሉ ያገናኛሉ፡፡ የቋንቋ ሰርጥን  ሃይማኖትን እና ክልልንን ያቀራርባሉ፡፡ ድሃውን ከሃብታሙ ለማቀራረብ ጥራሉ፡፡ የብሔራዊ አንድነትን ድልድይ በመገንባት ሁሉንም ያስማማሉ፡፡ በሃገር ውስጥ ያለውን ወጣት በዲያስፖራ ካለው ወጣት ጋር ለማስተሳሰር ድልድይ ይሰራሉ፡፡ “አቦጉማሬዎች” ማህበራዊና ፖለቲካዊ  አውታር በመፍጠር ለወጣቱ የፈረጠመ ጉልበት ይሰጡታል፡፡ አንተስ አቦጉማሬ ነህ ወይስ ጉማሬ? አቦጉማሬ የምትሆነው እምንትህ፡- ወጣቱ ትውልድ የሃገሪቱ የወደፊት ተስፋ መሆኑንና ባለእድሜዎች ደግሞ የሃገሪቱ ያለፈ ጊዜ መሆናቸውን ካመንክ፤ መጪው ትውልድም ጊዜም በጣም የተሻለና እጅጉንም አስፈላጊነቱን ካመንክ፤ የሰው ዋጋው የሚወሰነው ከስሙ/ስሟ ጋር በሚለጠፈው ተቀጥላ ሳይሆን ወገኑ ለሆነው ሰብአዊ ፍጡር ስለ ሰብአዊ መብቱ መከበር ለመቆም ባለው ቆራጥ ወገናዊነት ፤ጥሩ ባህሪ፤ትህትና፤ ህዝባዊ ተግባር፤ ትብብር፤ የሰው ችግር የሚገባው፤ይቅር ባይ፤ ታማኝነት፤ክብር፤ ሃሳባዊነት፤ተጣማሪነት፤ እና ግልጽነት ያለው በመሆኑ ሊሆን ይገባል የሚል ከሆነ ነው:: አቦጉማሬ የምትሆነው ሁኔታህ ግልጽ አእምሮ፤ተለዋጭ፤እና ትሁት ስትሆን፤ ከተለያዩ እድሜ ካላቸው፤ ከተለያዩ ዘር፤ ሃይማኖት፤ ጾታ፤ እና ቋንቋ ተናጋሪዎች ጋር አዲስ ሃሳቦችን የምትቀበልና ለመግባባት የምትችል ከሆነ፤ ከምቾት አምባህ ወጥተህ አስቸጋሪ ምርጫ ውስጥ ለመቀላቀል ፈቃደኛ ከሆንክ፤ ያልከውን የምትሆንና የምትለውን ለመሆን በቆራጥነት የምትቆም እንጂ በመዘላበድና በአሉባልታ፤ በአገም ጠቀም ጊዜ የማታጠፋ ከሆንክ፤ ከነገ ይልቅ በዛሬው ለመጠቀም ፈቃደኛና ዝግጁ ከሆንክ፤ ወጣቱንም ሆነ ሌሎችን በጥፋታቸው ከመውቀስህ በፊት በፈጸምከው ድክመት እራስህን ለመውቀስ ዝግጁ ከሆንክ፤ ያለፈውን አጉል ትምህርት በመርሳት አዲስ ትምህርት ለመማር ጉጉ ከሆንክ፤ ምቹ ጊዜ በማጣት ከማማረር ምቹውን ጊዜ ለማግኘት የምትጥር ከሆንክ፤ ሁኔታዎችንና እምንት ለማዳበር የሚችለውን ለማንጸበራቅ እንጂ የማይቻለወን የማታማርር ከሆንክ፤ ዓለም በማያቋርጥና በፈጣን ለውጥ ላይ መሆኗን በመገንዘብ ለመለወጥ ባለመቻልህ ተወቃሹ አንተው ብቻ እንጂ ሌላ አለመኖሩን ከተገነዘብክ ነው፡፡ http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24

የመበስበሱ በሽታ ሁሉም ዘንድ ነው”

ሻዕቢያው በረከት ህወሃትን ሊነዱት ይሆን?

የአቶ በረከት ስምዖንና የአቶ ስብሃት ነጋ የደፈጣ ውጊያ ገሃድ መውጣቱን የሚያመላክት መረጃ ይፋ መሆኑን ተከትሎ በህወሃት መንደር ውስጥ ከፍተኛ መደናገጥ ተፈጥሯል። ጉዳዩን የሚከታተሉ እንደሚሉት ልዩነቱን ለማርገብ በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ጥረት ቢደረግም ሊሳካ አልቻለም።

ከፍተኛ ስልጣን የያዙትንና አቶ መለስ ለመተካካት ያዘጋጇቸውን አዳዲስ አመራሮች፣ በቅርቡ ደንብና ህግ በመጣስ ሹመት የሰጡዋቸውን ጨምሮ የሰራዊቱን አዛዦችና ደህንነቱን ከጎናቸው ያሳተፉት ክፍሎች የተፈጠረው ልዩነት እልባት ማግኘት ይገባዋል የሚል አቋም መያዛቸውን የሚጠቁሙ ክፍሎች እነማን ተለይተው እንደሚመቱ ለመገመት አስቸጋሪ መሆኑንን ይገልጻሉ።

“ፓርቲያችን ከእንጥሉ በስብሷል” በማለት ከዛሬ አስራአንድ ዓመት በፊት በአገር ክህደት ሊያስወግዷቸው የተነሱትን ጓዶቻቸውን የረቱት መለስ የተጠቀሙበት ዋንኛ ስልት አባይ ጸሃዬን “ከውህዳኑ” ጋር በማሰለፍ ነበር። ዛሬ ለህወሃትና ለትግራይ ህዝብ በትግርኛ ቋንቋ ተጽፎ ተሰራጨ የተባለውና ይህንኑ መረጃ ዋቢ በማድረግ ኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ በተለያዩ ድረገጾች ይፋ እንዳደረጉት አቶ አባይ ጸሐዬ የተመደቡት ወጥመዱ ከተጠመደባቸው ዘንድ ነው።

“ድርጅትህ ኢህአዴግ እስከዛሬ ታግሎ እዚህ አድርሶሃል። በተለይም የሁሉም ነገር አድራጊና ፈጣሪ የሆነው ባለ ራዕዩን መሪህን በቅርቡ አጥተሃል” የሚል የአምልኮ መሪ ቃል ያለበት የጥሪ ወረቀት “ተቆርቋሪ ለሆናችሁ የትግራይ ተወላጆች በሙሉ” በማለት ጥሪ አቅርቧል። ኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ ቃል በቃል በትምህርተ ጥቅስ አኑረው ባሰራጩት በዚህ ጉልህ ዜና “እነ አቶ በረከት፣ ወ/ሮ አዜብ፣ ቴዎድሮስ ሃጎስ” ወረቀቱን አዘጋጅተው እንዳሰራጩ ያስረዳል።

በኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ ዜና ላይ እንደተመለከተው እነ አቶ ስዩም መስፍን፣ አባይ ጸሐዬ፣ አለቃ ጸጋዬ ከነባለቤታቸው የትግራይን ህዝብ ለጠላት ለመስጠት በዝግጅት ላይ መሆናቸውን ያወሳል።  “… የኔ የምትላቸው ጅቦች ተነስተውብህ ይገኛሉ” የተጠቀሱትንና ሌሎች ደጋፊዎቻቸውን “ጅቦች” ሲል የሚጠራው መልዕክት፣ “… ከእኛ ኋላ የተፈጠሩና ራሳችን ያሳደግናቸው ሲጠናከሩ ድርጅታችን ግን እየተዳከመ በመሄድ ላይ ነው” ሲል ያሳስባል። እነማን እንደሆኑ በግልጽ ሳይዘረዘር “የተወገዱ ግን በመጥፎ ጎዳና ያልተሰማሩን መልሰን ወደ ፓርቲው ማስገባት አለብን። ይህ ካልሆነ ግን የህዝብ ትግል አውላላ ሜዳ ላይ ጅብ በልቶት ሊቀር ነው ከጠላቶቻችን ጋር እንታረቅ እያሉን ነው” የሚል ማስጠንቀቂያ ያስቀምጣል። በስተመጨረሻ  “ከጀርባ ሆኖ የዚህ አፍራሽ ዋና ቀያሽ መሃንዲስ ስብሃት ነጋ መሆኑን ደርሰንበታል” ይላል።

“የኢህአዴግ ስኬት የመስመር እንጂ የግለሰብ አይደለም” በማለት የመለስን አምልኮ ለመቃወም ቀዳሚ የሆኑት አቶ ስብሃት ኤፈርትን ለወ/ሮ አዜብ ካስረከቡ በኋላ ከድርጅቱ ጋር ያላቸው ግንኙነት የላላ መሆኑን ለማሳየት እንደ ሩቅ ተመልካች አስተያየት ሲሰጡ ባብዛኛው ባልተለመደ መልክ ይዛለፉ ነበር። በተለይም አቶ በረከትን የማኮሰስና ምናምንቴ አድርጎ የማሳየት ስልት ሲጠቀሙ ቆይተዋል። ይህ እንዳለ ሆኖ አለመግባባቱ ሊከሰት ግድ እንደሆነ አስቀድመው የተነበዩም ነበሩ።

“… መለስ ስለሌሉ የወንበር ቡቅሻው የማይቀር ነው። በድርጅቱ አመራሮች ዘንድ የሌባና ፖሊስ፣ የሃይል ሚዛንና ቅኝት፣ አሰላለፍን የማሳመር ሰልፍ እየታየ ነው፤ … የመለስ ማለፍ በድርጅቱ ውስጥ ታፍኖ የቆየውን ቁርሾ ማፈንዳቱ አይቀርም…” ሲሉ ኦክቶበር 25 ቀን 2012 ለጎልጉል፡ የድረገጽ ጋዜጣ ቃለ ምልልስ የሰጡት አሁን በትምህርት ላይ የሚገኙ የኢህአዴግ ሰው፣ የኢህአዴግ ድልድይ ተሰብሯል፤ የጋራ ነጥብም የለውም ብለው ነበር።

አውራምባ ታይምስ በበኩሉ ምንጩን አዲስ አበባ በማለት በተመሳሳይ የህወሃትን አደጋ ውስጥ መውደቅ ሲያበስር በስም ከዘረዘራቸው አመራሮች መካከል አቶ ስብሃት ነጋን አልጠቀሰም። ኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ አቶ በረከት የሚዘውሩትና የእነ ወ/ሮ አዜብ መስፍን ወገን በዋናነት ለመምታት ያሰበው አቶ ስብሃት ነጋን እንደሆነ ለአባላት ተበተነ የተባለውን የማስጠንቀቂያ ወረቀት በመጥቀስ ይገልጻል።

አውራምባ ታይምስ “እያጣራሁ አቀርበዋለሁ” በማለት ያወጣው ትኩስ ዜና ለህወሃት አባላት ተሰራጨ የተባለውን ደብዳቤ “ማን እንደጻፈው አልታወቀም” በማለት ብዥታ የሚያጭር መልክት ሲያስተላልፍ፣ ኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ ከአውራምባ ድረገጽ ባለቤት አቶ ዳዊት ከበደ በተለየ መልኩ ዜናውን በትነው አስረድተዋል። በሁሉም በኩል እንደተጠቀሰው ህወሃት ቀውስ ውስጥ ተነክሯል።

በየካቲት ወር በሚደረግ ድርጅታዊ ግምገማ ጠራርገው እንደሚያስወግዷቸው እንደ ከባድ ሚዛን ቦክስ ቀጠሮ በመያዝ እነ አቶ ስብሃት፣ ስዩም፣ አባይና አለቃ ጸጋዬን በመጥቀስ የተሰራጨው  ወረቀት በስተመጨረሻ ስብሃት ነጋ ላይ ክርኑን አስደቁሶ እንደሚያበቃ የህዋሃትን ጓዳ አስመልክቶ በተደጋጋሚ ለየት ያለ ዜና የሚያስነብቡት ኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ ያበቃሉ።

ከጎልጉል ጋር ቃለ ምልልስ አድርገው የነበሩት የኢህአዴግ ሰው ይህንን ዜና አስመልክተው ምን አስተያየት እንዳላቸው ጠይቀናቸው ነበር። “በሌሎቹም አቻ ድርጅቶች ውስጥ በተመሳሳይ ይህ ሁኔታ ይከሰታል። የመበስበሱ በሽታ ሁሉም ዘንድ ነው” በማለት መልሳቸውን ይጀምራሉ። ለጊዜው ደኢህዴንና ብአዴን አንድ ላይ መሆናቸውን ያስታወቁት እኚሁ አስተያየት ሰጪ የኦህዴድ አቋም አለመጥራቱን ነው የሚናገሩት።

“የድጋፉ ጉዳይ የፎርሙላ ነው። ዶ/ር ደብረጽዮንና በረከት ስለላውን፣ ጦር ሃይሉን፣ የፖሊስና የልዩ ሃይሉን ሙሉ በሙሉ ስለተቆጣጠሩት በአሸናፊነት እንደሚወጡ ጥርጥር የለውም” ካሉ በኋላ አቶ ስብሃት ሰሞኑን “አማራውን ከሰደብኩ እኔ ታምሜያለሁ ማለት ነው ሆስፒታል መሔድ አለብኘኝ” በማለት የሰጡት መግለጫ ሲዘልፉትና ሲረግሙት የኖሩትን አማራና ብአዴንን ተለሳልሶ ለመቅረብ ያደረጉት እንደሆነ በተዋረድ ለብአዴን አባሎች መገለጹን እንደሚያውቁ አስረድተዋል።

“ምንም ተባለ ምን በመከላከያውና በደህንነቱ ሃይል ተጠቅመው የፈለጉትን መወሰንና የማስወሰን፣ ባላቸው በሚሰራው የፖለቲካ መዋቅር እስከታች መመሪያ በማውረድ የእነ በረከት ወገን ባለድል እንደሚሆን ጥርጥር የለውም። ቀድሞ ታጋይ የነበሩ፣ የደህንነት ሃይሉን እየረዱ ብር የሚያመርቱ ግርግሩ ስለማይመቻቸው ሃይል ካለው ወገን ጋር በመሆናቸው እነ ስብሃትን ያቀላጥፏቸዋል። ይህ ሁሉ የሚሆነው ግለሂስ አድርገው አርፈው ለመቀመጥ ካልተስማሙ ብቻ ነው” በማለት አስተያየታቸውን ይደመድማሉ፡፡

ይህንን መረጃ በሚያጠናክር መልኩ ከዚህ በፊት ከጻፍናቸው ዜናዎች መካከል አቶ በረከትና አቶ ሃይለማርያም የመለስ የቅርብ ሰዎች መሆናቸውንና አቶ መለስ ወደ ውጪ ሲወጡ የሥልጣኑን ቁልፍ የሚሰጡት ለአቶ በረከት እንደሆነ፤ የአቶ ሃይለማርያም ሹመት መነሻውም በዚሁ ቀደም ሲል በተፈጠረ “የቤተሰብ መሰል” ግንኙነት መሆኑን በመናገር ስማቸው ሳይጠቀስ ቃላቸውን ለአሜሪካ ድምጽ ሬዲዮ የሰጡ የኦህዴድ ሰው ጠቅሰን መጻፋችን የሚታወስ ነው፡፡ አቶ መለስ በሞቱ ማግስት ከኢህአዴግ ምክርቤት እና ከፓርላማው ውሳኔ በፊት አቶ ሃይለማርያም ጠ/ሚ/ር ሆነው እንደሚቀጥሉ በመናገር የተጠባባቂ ጠ/ሚ/ርነት ሥልጣን ይዘው እንደሚሠሩ አቶ በረከት በወቅቱ በሰጡት ቃለምልልስ መናገራቸው የሚታወስ ነው፡፡ አቶ ሃይለማርያም ለፎርማሊቲ በፓርላማ ፊት ቀርበው ምህላ እንደሚፈጽሙ አቶ በረከት በግላቸው በሰጡት ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ መናገራቸው ይህንኑ ቤተሰባዊ ግንኙነት የሚያጠናክር መሆኑን መዘገባችን የሚጠቀስ ነው፡፡

http://www.goolgule.com/the-future-of-tplf/

Ethiopia likely to miss top players in key match

ca (AP) — Ethiopia's chances at the African Cup of Nations have taken a hit with the team's two top players expected to miss the decisive Group C match against Nigeria on Tuesday.

Ethiopia coach Sewnet Bishaw said Monday that midfielders Asrat Megersa and Adane Girma may not recover from the injuries they sustained in the first half of the team's match against Burkina Faso.

Ethiopia is last in the group but will still have a chance of advancing if it beats Nigeria in Rustenburg.

In its first tournament appearance in more than 30 years, Ethiopia earned a surprising 1-1 draw with defending champion Zambia in the opener, then fell 4-0 to Burkina Faso after Asrat's and Adane's injuries.

"Two very important players were out and I'm afraid that they are not coming back," Bishaw said. "Adane and Asrat are not in a good position right now. It will be up to the doctor's decision before the match."

Adane, who scored against Zambia for the team's first African Cup goal in 37 years, left Friday's match against Burkina Faso with a muscle injury in his right leg. Asrat had to leave the match just before halftime because of a right knee injury.

Neither player has been able to practice since the match at Mbombela Stadium and they are both undergoing intensive treatment. Bishaw said Asrat's injury appears the more serious one and that he may have to be sidelined for up to 20 days.

Bishaw said losing the players early against Burkina Faso played a big part in the team's 4-0 loss.

"We were dominating in the beginning and missed several opportunities and then our most important players get injured and go out. Our game was totally destroyed," Bishaw said.

Ethiopia won the Cup of Nations in 1962 but last qualified for the final tournament in 1982. Players were promised more than $100,000 each if they win the competition in 2013.

The team arrived with few expectations, just hoping to gain experience, but the surprising draw against Zambia in the opener raised the team's hopes of advancing to the second round.

"This is already a new chapter for this generation, playing after 31 years and scoring our first goal in 37 years," Bishaw said. "We will be trying to make it to the quarterfinals, make history and make our people very happy. Our mission is to play football and to show Africa and the rest of the world that Ethiopia can play football."

http://www.ethiomedia.com/addis/5098.html

ታደሰ በዛብህ የመርካቶው አይጥ

ታደሰ በዛብህ በተወለደ በአስራ አንድ ዓመቱ እንደ አውሮፓውያን አቆጣጠር – መስከረም 26/1981 ራሱን በማጥፋት ከዚህ ዓለም ተለየ።

ስለ ታደሰ በዛብህ ለመጻፍ ካሰብኩ ብዙ ጊዜ ነው። ቀን ሞልቶልኝ ተሳክቶልኝ አልጻፍኩትም። ሰሞኑን ሁለት ገጠመኞቼ ታደሰን እንደገና እንዳስበው አደረጉኝ። አንደኛው በጀርመን “ራይን ላንድ ፋልዝ” በሚባለው ክፍለ ሃገር ውስጥ ፋልዝ (PHALZ) በመባል በሚታወቅ ጋዜጣ ይታተማል። ይህ ጋዜጣ በ20.01.2013 እትሙ (Gestatten: Neger) በሚል ርዕስ ስለ <<ኒግር>> (“Neger” በእንግሊዘኛ ቋንቋ ደግሞ “Nigger”)በሚመለከት የተጻፈውን ካነበብኩ በኋላ ሲሆን በሁለተኛ ደግሞ እዛው ጀርመን ውስጥ በማደጎነት የተሰጠ አንድ አፍሪካዊ ሕጻን ከተገናኘሁ በኋላ ነው።

በዚህ ከላይ በጠቀስኩት ጋዜጣ ላይ የተጠቀሰው ጽሁፍ እንደሚያመለክትው በጀርመን ሃገር የሚታተሙ የሕጻናት መጽሐፍ ውስጥ ኒገር (Neger) የሚለው ቃል ስለሚገኝ ቃሉን ከመጽሐፍቶቹ ውስጥ መውጣት አለበት የሚል ነው።

ጋዜጣው ውስጥ ያለውን ዝባዝንኬ ትተን በተለይ በጀርመን የሕጻናት መጽሐፍ ውስጥ ያሉትን ዘረኛ ቃላት በምናስብበት ወቅት ከዛው ጋር ተያይዘው የሚመጡትን ችግሮች በቀላሉ ልናልፋቸው አንችልም። በጋዜጣው ላይ የተጠቀሰው የሕጻናት መጽሐፍ ለምሳሌ( Der NegerkÖnigin in Pipi Langstrumpf –) <<የኒግር>> ንግሥት ይባል የነበረው ከሚቀጥለው እትም በኋላ  (Südsee Kőnig-) የደቡብ ባሕር ንጉስ በሚል እንደሚጠራ ይገልጻል። በጀርመን ሃገር ያሉ ጥቁር ሕጻናት በዚህ  ቃል ምክንያት ብዙ ችግር ትምህርት ቤት ውስጥ እንደሚደርስባቸው ደግሞ የሚካድ አይደለም።

ከሁሉ የሚገርመው በጀርመን ሃገር “Neger” የሚለውን መጠርያ እንደ ቤተሰብ ስም (family name) የሚጠቀሙ ነበሩ። ስሙን እንዴት እንዳገኙት ባይታወቅም ይህንን የሚል መጠሪያ 470 ሰዎች የሚሆኑ ቤተሰቦች ይጠሩበት እንደነበር በ2008 ተገምቷል። ቢሆንም ብዙዎቹ በአካባቢያቸው በሚደርስባቸው ስድብ ምክንያት ስማቸውን ለመቀየር ተገደዋል። ከዚህ ተነስተን ያለውን ሁኔታ ስንገመግመው በጀርመን የሚገኙ ጥቁር ሕጻናት ላይ የሚደርሰውን መከራ መገንዘብ እንችላለን። በቅርብ ቀን በጀርመን ከፍራንክፈርት ከተማ አቅራቢያ በምትገኝ ሠፈር ያገኘሁት አንድ አፍሪካዊ ሕፃን ልጅ የዚህ አስከፊ የሆነ የዘር ችግር ሰለባ ሊሆን ይችላል።

ይህ ልጅ እድሜው አራት አመት አካባቢ ነው። ብርዱን ለመከላከል የለበሰው ልብስ ድቡልቡል አስመስሎታል። ክብ ፊቱ፣ ካደረገው ኮፍያና አንገቱ ላይ ከተጠቀለለት የአንገት ኩታ ማህል፣ በነጭ ጥርሱ ታጅባ ለተመለከታት ደስታን ትፈጥራለች። ከልጁ ፊት አንዲት የክረምቱ ብርዱ ሰውነቷን እንደ ወረቀት ነጭ ያደረጋት ጀርመናዊ ትራመዳለች። ልጁ ከኋላዋ እየተከተለ ፣ <<ማማ ፣ ማማ>> እያለ ይጠራታል። ሌሎች ጀርመኖች ልጆቻቸውን ከሕጻናት መዋያ እያደረሱ ሲመለሱ ገልመጥ እያሉ ይህንን ድርጊት እንደ አስደናቂ ትርዕይት ይመለከታሉ። ከምሄድበት መንገድ አሳብሬ ወደ እሱ አካባቢ ስሄድ፣ ልጁ በመቆም ወደ እኔ በመመልከት ያጠናኝ ጀመር። የእኔ ጥቁረት ከእሱ ጋር በመመሳሰሉ ይመስለኛል አተኩሮ ተመለከተኝ።

በጀርመንኛው(guten Morgen) ጉትን ሞርገን – መልካም ጠዋት ብዬ ሰላም አልኩት።

ትንሽ ተመልክቶኝ መልስ ሳይሰጠኝ ወደ እናቱ እየከነፈ ሄደ። እናቱም ሰላም አትለውም እንዴ? ብላ ጠየቀችው። የእናቱን እግር ጨምድዶ ይዞ እንደገና ያጠናኝ ጀመር። ለእናቱ ሰላምታ ሰጥቼ ። ቆንጆ ልጅ አለሽ በማለት ስለ ልጁ ለማወቅ ያለኝ ጉጉት ስለገፋፋኝ ወሬ ጀመርኩ። እናቱም ልጇ ቆንጆ ስለተባለ አመስግናኝ ልትሄድ ስትል ወሬዬን በመቀጠል የእኔ ልጅም እዚህ ሕጻናት መዋያ ነበረች። በጣም ጥሩ የሆነ የሕጻናት መዋያ ነው አልኳት።

- በመንገዱ ላይ ሌላ ሴት መጥታ ወደ እኔ በመመልከት እናትየዋን ሰላም ካለች በኋላ፣ ሁል ጊዜ ልጠይቅሽ እፈልጋለሁ “የልጁ አባት እሱ ነው?” ብላ እናቲቱን ጠየቀቻች።

- እናቲቱም “አይደለም” በማለት አጭር መልስ ስጥታት ጉዟችንን ቀጠልን።

- “መቼም እኛ ጀርመኖች ስንባል የማያገባንን ወሬ መሰብሰብ አንወዳለን አለችኝ?”

- “ጀርመኖች ብቻ ሳይሆኑ ወሬ መውደድ  የሰው ልጅ ተፈጥሮ ነው ብዬ መለስኩ።”

በተለይ የዘርን ጉዳይ በተመለከተ ብዙ ጀርመኖች ዘረኛ በመሆናቸው እንደዚህ ዓይነት ወሬ እንደሚጥማቸው አላጣሁትም ነበር።

ሕፃናት መዋያው ጋር ስንደርስ ጠብቀኝ ብላ ልጁን ልታደርስ ወደ ውስጥ ገባች። በራፉ ላይ የቆመችው አስተማሪ ልጁን ተቀብላት ተመለሰች።

- “ለመሆኑ ልጅህ ስንት ዓመቷ ነው ?”

- “አስራ ስምንት ሆኗታል።”

- “እኔ ደግሞ ትንሽ መስላኝ ለልጄ ጓደኛ እንድትሆን ልጠይቅህ ነበር።” አለችኝ።

- “ጓደኛ የለውም ወይ?” ብዬ ጠቅኋት።

- “አይ አፍሪካዊ የሆነ ጓደኛ ለማለት ነው።”

- “አዎ ችግር ነው። እዚህ አካባቢ አፍሪካውያን በብዛት ስለማይገኙ መሞከር ነው አልኳት።” በዚያውም አያይዤ። “የማደጎ ልጅሽ ነው?” ብዬ ጠየቅኋት።

- “አዎን። የዛሬ ሁለት ዓመት እኔና የሴት ፍቅረኛዬ ለእረፍት ምዕራብ አፍሪካ ሄደን መንገድ ላይ ሲለምን አገኘነውና በማደጎ ልጅነት ይዘነው መጣን።”

ሴትየዋ ከሌላ ሴት ጋር እንደ ባልና ሚስት እንደምትኖር ሳውቅ ደነገጥኩ። የደነገጥኩት ለእሷ ሳይሆን ይህ ልጅ ወደ ፊት ምን ችግር በትምህርት ቤትም ሆነ በአካባቢው እንደሚደርስበት ስለገመትኩ ነው። አሳዛኝ ነው። ይህ ልጅ ወደ ፊት ስለ ቤተሰቡ መጠየቁ አይቀርም። ስለሃገሩ መጠየቁ አይቀርም። እያደገ ሲሄድ በሁለት እንስት ቤት ውስጥ በማደጎ ማደጉ የሚፈጥረው ችግር ትንሽ አይደለም። ከሴትየዋ ጋር ትንሽ ተጨዋውተን ተለያየን። ግን የልጁ ሁኔታ ከጭንቅላቴ ሊጠፋ አልቻለም። ብዙ አወጣና አወርድ ጀመር።

በዚህ በጀርመን ሃገር ውስጥ አንድ አሳዛኝ ታሪክ ተፈጽሟል። ይህ ታሪክ በመጽሐፍ ተጽፎ ይገኛል።  የመጽሐፉ ርዕስ “Tadesse Warum” – “ታደሰ ለምን” ማለት ነው።

ታደሰ አዲስ አበባ በነበረበት ወቅት

ታደሰን ብዙ ጊዜ አስበዋለሁ። በሰው አገር የደረሰበት ስቃይ ትንሽ አይደለም። ዛሬ ይህንን ልጅ ሳይ ታደሰን ለምን ከሃገሩ ልጆች ጋር በትንሽ ጽሁፍ አላስተዋውቀውም ብዬ አሰብኩ። ሳይታወቅ ከሚቀር ይሻላል። Irmhild SÖhl – የምትባል ጀርመናዊት የታደሰ የማደጎ እናት ስለ ታደሰ ከፃፈችው መጽሐፍ ላይ የተወሰነው ለማቅረብና ታደሰ በወገኖቹ እንዲታሰብ ማድረግ አለብኝ ብዬጀመርኩ።  ታደሰ በዛብህ የተወለደው በሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ በወሎ ክፍለ ሃገር ነው። ታደሰ በተፈጥሮው የቋንቋ ስጦታ ሰለነበረው የጀርመን ቋንቋ አቀላጥፎ ይናገር ነበር። ታደሰ ምንም እንኳን የጽሁፍ መረጃ ተገኝቶ በየትኛው ቀን እንደተወለደ ባይታወቅም እድሜው ተሰልቶ በ1969 መወለዱ ታውቋል።

የታደሰ ሕይወት ገና ከመጀመሪው አስቃቂ ነበር። ገና የ5 ዓመት ልጅ እያለ አባቱ እፊቱ ሲገደሉ ተመከልክቷል። ከዛም እናቱ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ይዛው ተሰዳለች። አባቱ የተገደሉበት ምክንያት በውል ባይታወቅም ወቅቱ አብዩት የፈነዳበት ነበር። የመንግሥት ታጣቂዎች የፈለጋቸውን የሚያደርጉበት ወቅት ስለነበረ አባቱ በአብዮት ደጋፊዎች ሳይገደሉ እንዳልቀሩ ነው።

ታደሰ አባቱ ከተገደሉ በኋላ ከወሎ ክፍለሃገር ወደ አዲስ አበባ ከባዱንና አድካሚውን ጉዞ አድርጎ ከእህቱ ከኑኑ ጋር አዲስ አበባ እንዲመጣ ተገዷል። እናቱ አዲስ አበባ መርካቶ ውስጥ ከብዙ ችግር በኋላ እንጀራ እየጋገረች ልጆቿን ለማሳደግ ትጥር ነበር። በዚህ ወቅት ነበር ታደስ << የመርካቶው አይጥ >> የሚለው ስሙን ያገኘው። ታደሰ በዛብህ ከእህቱና ከእናቱ ጋር አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ ከነበሩበት(DED & Terre des  Hommes) የእርዳታ ድርጅቶች ጋር የተገኛኙት።

በዚህ ወቅት በደቡብ ጀርመን በባደን ቩተንበርግ ክፍለ ሃገር – የዞል ቤተሰቦች (Familie Sőhl) ከአምስት ልጆቻችው ጋር የገጠር ኑሮን የሚመስል ቤት ሠርተው በውስጡም( ውሻ ፣ ዶሮ ፣ ፈረስ ፣ . . .  ) የመሳሰሉትን እንስሳት በማካተት ለመኖር ይፈልጉ ነበር። የዞል ቤተሰቦች አንድ ልጅ ከሦስተኛው ዓለም ለማሳደግ በነበራቸው ጽኑ ፍላጎት ከብዙ ትግል በኋላ በግንቦት 1976 ታደሰ በዛብህን ከብዙ ትግል በኋላ  በማደጎ ልጅነት ተሰጣቸው።

ታደሰ በግንቦት ወር ፍራንክፈርት አውሮፕላን ጣቢያ ላይ ከአዲሱ ቤተሰቦቹ ተገናኝቶ የጀርመን ቋንቋ መማር ጀመረ። በነሃሴ ወር አዲሶቹ ወላጆቹ በሚደነቁበት ሁኔታ የጀርመን ቋንቋን ካለስህተት ይናገር ጀመር።

ታደሰ በዛብህ አርቆ አስተዋይ ነበር። ይህንን አርቆ አስተዋይነቱን በሚመለከት   ሕይወቱ ካለፈ 8 ዓመት በኋላ በሕይወት በነበረበት ጊዜ ይጽፋቸው ከነበሩት ደብዳቤዎች ውስጥ አንዱን “ZEIT” የሚባለው የጀርመን ታዋቂ ጋዜጣ 12.05.89 እትሙ ይዞ ወጥቷል።

ትርጉሙም ፡ -

እኔ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ ። እድሜዬም አሥር ዓመት ነው። በአንድ ጀርመናዊ ቤተሰብ ውስጥ የማደጎ ልጅ ነኝ። እኔ እንደማውቀው ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ አሁንም ፖሊሶች መንገድ ላይ ስለሚተኩሱ(ስለሚገድሉ) ፍርሃት አለብን። እናንተ ደግሞ አሁን እዚህ እናንተ ጥገኞችን ለመቀበል ካልፈለጋችሁ በስደተኞች ውስጥ ያለውን ፍራቻ  ለብዙ ጊዜ እንዲኖር ታደርጋላችሁ። ይህ ደግሞ በጣም መጥፎ ነው። አንድ ሰው በስደት ወደ እዚህ ከመጣና እናንተ መኖር ከከለከላችሁትና ሃገሩ ደግሞ መሄድ ካልቻለ መኖር አይችልም ማለት ነው። ይህ ደግሞ ትንሽም ቢሆን እንደ ይሁዳውያን ላይ እንደተፈጸመው ነው።በዚህ ምክንያት ነው ለመርዳት ዝግጁ መሆን ያለብን ።

ታደሰ ዞል ሚሸልባህ

ከዚህ ደብዳቤ እንደምንረዳው ይህ ልጅ ገና በአሥር ዓመቱ ከራሱ ችግር አልፎ የሃገሩ ልጆች ችግር ያሳስበው እንደ ነበር ነው።

ይቀጥላል

26 January 2013

http://www.ecadforum.com

ሕወሐት ለሁለት ተሰነጠቀ፤ ወረቀት ለአባለት ተበተ

1. ከኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ ዛሬ በመቀሌ ለአባላ ትና አልፎም ለህዝቡ በተበተነ የትግርኛ ፅሁፍ እነ ስዩም መስፍን፣ አባይ ፀሐዬ፣ ፀጋዬ በርሔ ከነባለቤታቸው እንዲሁም ሌሎች ከድርጅቱ እንዲባረሩ በተበተነው መግለጫ ተጠቁሞዋል። በመግለጫው፥ ከጀርባ አሉ የተባሉትና « የዚህ መኅንዲስ» ተብለው የተፈረጁት ስብሃት ነጋ እርምጃ እንዲወሰድባቸው ከተባሉት መካከል በዋነኛነት ተፈርጀዋል። እነ ቴውድሮስ ሃጎስ፣አዜብ መስፍንና በረከት እጃቸው እንዳለበት የተነገረለት ይኸው መግለጫ ተከታዩን ይመስላል፤ «ተቆርቋሪ ለሆናችሁ የትግራይ ተወላጆ በሙሉ፤ «ድርጅትህ ሕወሐት እስከ ዛሬ ታግላ እዚህ ደረጃ አድርሰሃለች። በተለይም የሁሉም ነገር አድራጊና ፈጣሪ የነበረው ባለ ራዕይው መሪህ በቅርብ ጊዜ አጥተኽል። ዛሬ እነዚህን ደካማ ጐኖች ተጠቅመው ለጠላት አሳልፈው ሊሰጡህ የሚፈልጉ ያውም ደግሞ የእኔ የምትላቸው ጅቦች ተነስተውብህ ይገኛሉ። ይህንን ግልፅ ለማቅድረግ አሁን በቅርብ ጊዜ በመቀሌ የድርጅቱ ማ/ኰሚቴ ስብሰባ አካሄደን ነበር። በዚህ ስብሰባ ላይ ነው እንግዲህ ተከታዩ ነገር የተነሳው። ይኽውም፥ እነ ስዩም መስፍን፣ አባይ ፀሐዬ፣ ፀጋዬ ከሚስቱ ጋርና ሌሎችም ያሉበት ይህን አሉ፤ «ድርጅታችን ጨርሶ ተዳክሞዋል። እኛ የኢትዮጲያ ሕዝብ ትግል መስራች ሆነን ሳለ ወደኋላ ተገፍትረን በአንፃሩ ሌሎች ከእኛ ኋላ የተፈጠሩና ራሳችን ያሳደግናቸው ሲጠናከሩ ድርጅታችን ግን እየተዳከመ በመሄድ ላይ ነው። ባዛው መጠን ሕዝባችን እየተጎዳ ነው። ስለዚህ አሁን ካጋጠመን አደጋ መውጣት ካለብን ከድርጅቱ -የተወገዱትን ግን በመጥፎ ጎዳና ያልተሰማሩትን መልሰን ወደ ፓርቲው ማስገባት አለብን። ይህ ካልሆነ ግን የሕዝብ ትግል አውላላ ሜዳ ላይ ጅብ በልቶት ሊቀር ነው።» በማለት ከጠላቶቻችን ጋር እንታረቅ እያሉን ነው። “ሕዝባችን አስተውል። በዚህ አይነት ዳግመኛ በድርጅታችን ተኃድሶ እንደሚያስፈልገን ነው የተገነዘብነው። በሚቀጥለው የካቲት ወር በሚካሄደው ጉባኤያችን ይህንን ጉዳይ ትኩረት ሰጥቶና አጥርቶ (ውሳኔ አሳልፎ) እንደሚወጣና እነዚህንና መሰሎቻቸው ከሚያራምዱት አቋም ጋር ጠራርጐ እንደሚያስወግድልን ተስፋ እናደርጋለን። በዚህም እያንዳንዱ እንደከዚህ ቀደሙ የተለመደ አስተዋፅኦ (ሚና) እንደሚያበረክት አንጠራጠርም። በተጨማሪ ከጀርባ ሆኖ የዚህ አፍራሽ ዋና ቀያሽ መሃንዲስ ስብሃት ነጋ መሆኑን ደርሰንበታል።” ከመቀሌ…  http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/5875

እግርኳሳችን የራሷን ሙሴ ትፈልጋለች

ስሜት ጎርፍ ነው፤ ያውም ደራሽ ጎርፍ፤ ብሄራዊ ቡድናችንን ስንደግፍም ሆነ ስናወድስ እንዲሁም ስንወቅስ በዚሁ ደራሽ ጎርፍ መወሰዳችን ይታያል። ይሄ ችግር ግን እንደ ሃገርም ችግራችን እየሆነ የመጣ ነገር ነው በስሜት መደገፍ በስሜት መቃወም፤ ዛሬ ያወደሱትን ነገ መርግም ሁሉንም ነገር በዘላቂ ጥቅም፤ በዘላቂ ስራ እና በዕውቀት መመዘን እያቃተን ነው። ከዚያም ዐልፎ ስሜታችን ጫፍ ላይ በሚደርስበት ጊዜ ሰከን ብሎ የሚያስብ ሰው ሲያጋጥመን እንደጭራቅ እንመለከተዋለን። ከእኛ በሓሳብ የተለየ አስተያየት የሰጠ እንደሆነማ በቃ ቤተክርስቲያን ውስጥ የገባ ውሻ እናደርገዋለን።… የሰሞኑ የብሄራዊ ቡድናችን ውጤትም የዚህ ጎርፍ ሰለባዎች መሆናችን አንዱ ማሳያ ነው። መጀመሪያ ላይ የኢትዮጵያ ብሄራዊ ቡድን አዲስ አበባ ከቤኒን ብሄራዊ ቡድን ጋር ሲጫወት አሰልጣኝ ሰውነት ቢሻው የአሰላለፍ ስህተት ሰርቶአል መሃል ላይ ምንም ፈጣሪ /creative/ ተጫዋች አልነበረውም በሚል ከውጤቱ በኋላ ህዝቡም ጋዜጠኞችም ሲያወግዙት ከረሙ። ልብ አድርጉ እዚህ ጋር ሁሉም የሚያወራው በስሜት የዕለቱን ጨዋታ በተመለከተ የነበረውን ችግር እንጂ በዕውቀት የሃገራችን እግርኳስ ችግር ምንድን ነው? ብሎ ስለዘለቄታው የሚያወራ እና የሚያስብ የለም። ፌደሬሽኑም ቢሆን ህልውናውን ከጊዜያዊ ውጤት ጋር አጣብቆ የተቀመጠ ስለሆነ ዘለቄታዊ ስራ ሲሰራ አይታይም እናም አቶ ሰውነት ያቺን የተችት ፍላጻ እንደምንም ሽል ብለው አሳለፏት ። … ቀጥሎም ከጥቂት ጊዜያት በኋላ ሱዳንን አሸንፈን ለአፍሪካ ዋንጫ አላፊ መሆናችንን አረጋገጥን፤ ስሜት አሁንም እንደደራሽ ጎርፍ አጥለቀለቀን ህዝቡ ”ሳላዲን ጥቁር ሰው” ተባለ። ሲሰደብ የነበረው ሰውነት በየኤፍኤም ራዲዮው ጋሼ ጋሼ መባል ተጀመረ። አንዳንዶቹም ኢትዮጵያዊው ሞሪኖ ይሉት ጀመር። አሁንም እዚህ ጋር ረጋ ብሎ በዕውቀት ይሄ ውጤት ጊዜያዊ ነው፤ ዘለቄታዊ ውጤት የምንፈልግ ከሆነ ሰከን ብለን የእግርኳሱን ችግር እንመልከት በስሜት አንነዳ የሚል ሰው ሲገኝ እንደከሃዲ ሃገሩን እንደማይወድ ተቆጥሮ መወገዝ ጀመረ በስሜት! አቶ ሰውነትም ይህቺን ስለሚያውቅ በሴካፋ ውድድር መሳተፋችን አስፈላጊ አይደለም ብሎ ራሳችንን ከሴካፋ ውድድር እንድናገልል አደረገ። ለምን? ምክኒያቱም ስሜታዊ መሆናአችንን ስለሚያውቅ በሴካፋ ላይ የሚመጣው ውጤት የእርሱን ከብሄራዊ ቡድን ጋር ቆይታ ስለምትወስን ቁማሩን መቆመር አልፈለገም። አዎ ስራዎች በዕቅድ እና በዕውቀት ሳይሆን በስሜት በሚሰሩበት ሃገር ለምን ሪስክ ይወስዳል? … የዛምቢያውን ጨዋታ አቻ ስንወጣማ ሁሉም ራሱን በስሜት አበደ፤ በደራሹ ውሃ እየተገፋ የሃገር ፍቅር ስሜት በሚል ሽፋን ተጫዋቾቹ ወኔ አላቸው ጀግና ናቸው ማለት ተጀመረ። በዚህ ወቅት እጅግ በጣም ጥቂት ሰዎች ናቸው ረጋ ብለው በስሜት ሳይነዱ እግርኳስ ጥበብ እንጂ ወኔ አይደለም ብለው ለመናገር ድፍረት የአገኙት እንደ Genene Mekuria Libro ያሉት ሰዎች፤ ግን ማን ያዳምጣል? ሁሉም በስሜት ባሉን እየተንሳፈፈ ነው ከጋዜጠኛ እስከ ፌደሬሽኑ ድረስ፤ እንደማይደርስ የለም ዐርብ ዕለት የቡርኪናፋሶ ውጤት የስሜት ባሉኑን ክፉኛ አስተንፍሶት ከነበርንበት ከፍታ በድንገት ከመሬት ወርደን ዝርግፍ አልን ፤ አሁን ደግሞ አሰልጣኙን ማውገዝ ተጀመረ በሳምንት ውስጥ ስናወድሰው የነበረውን ሰውዬ ወደተለመደው በስሜት ማውገዝ ተጀመረ ያሳዝናል ። … በሃገር ፍቅር ስሜት ቢሆን በቁርጠኝነት ቢሆን ኖሮ የአፍሪካ ዋንጫን አይደለም የዓለም ዋንጫንም ቢሆን ከእኛ ልጆች የሚነጥቅ ሃገር አይኖርም ነበር፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ ለተጫዋቾቹ ያለኝ ክብር በጣም ከፍተኛ ነው የሚችሉትን ሁሉ አድርገዋል የቆጠቡትም አንዳች ነገር አልነበረም እናም ክብር ይገባቸዋል። መጪው ውጤት ምንም ቢሆን ቢያልፉም ባያልፉም ለእነሱ ያለኝ ክብር አይቀንስም … አሁንም ቢሆን ግን ከጊዜያዊ ውጤት ባሻገር ነገሮችን በዕውቀት የሚመለከት ጋዜጠኛ፤ በዕውቀት የሚሰራ ፌዴሬሽን እና ጊዜያዊ ውጤት ተመልክቶ ሳይሆን ዘላቂ ስራዎች እየተመለከተ የሚደግፍ ተመልካች ያስፈልገናል። እግርኳስ የስሜት ስፖርት መሆኑ ሳይረሳ ስሜቱም በሜዳ ላይ እንጂ ከሜዳ ጀርባ የሚሰራው ነገር በሙሉ በዕውቀት እና በጥበብ የሚሰራ መሆኑም ሳይዘነጋ … አዎ እግርኳሳችን የእራሷን ሙሴ ትፈልጋለች! http://www.ethiosun.com

የጎልጉል ቅምሻ/(ከዚህም

“የድመት ጸጉር የመብላት ሱሰኛ ነኝ”

የሱሰኛነት ነገር ሲነሳ ሰሞኑን ከወደ ሚሽጋን ጠቅላይግዛት የተሰማው ጉድ የሚያሰኝ ነው፡፡ የ43ዓመቷ ሊሳ በቀን 

ሦስት ሩብ መጠን ያለው የድመት ጸጉርጥቅል እንደምትበላ ተናግራለች፡፡

“የድመት ጸጉር የመብላት ሱሰኛ ነኝ” በማለት የምትናገረው ይህች ግለሰብ ሱሰኝነቱ የጀመራት የዛሬ 15ዓመት እነደሆነና እስካሁ 3200 ጥቅርል እንደበላች ታስረዳለች፡፡ ጥቅልሉን ከወለል፣ ከሶፋ፣ … እንደምታዘጋጅ ገልጻ በጣም አሪፍ የሆነው ግን በቀጥታ ከድመቷ የምታገኘው እንደሆነ ተናግራለች፡፡

ማርገዝ –› መጠጣት –› ጽንሱ ማበላሸት –› ዳረጎት ማግኘት

ከደቡብ አፍሪካ አስደንጋጭ ነገር ከተሰማ ጥቂት ቀናት ቢያልፉም የዜናው አስደንጋጭነት ግን እስካሁንም እውን ነው፡፡ ከመንግሥት የሚገኝ ጥቂት ዳረጎት ተጠቃሚ ለመሆን እርጉዞች ልጆቻቸውን በሽተኛ ሆነው እንዲወለዱ እያደረጉ ነው፤ በተለይ ችግረኛ በሆኑ ከተሞች የሚኖሩ፡፡

የደቡብ አፍሪካ ቤተሰቦች ከመንግሥት ከሚያገኙት ጥቂት ጥቅማጥሞች መካከል በአንድ ልጅ 250 ራንድ ወይም በዶላር 28.40 ያገኛሉ፡፡ ልጁ በሽተኛ ከሆነ ድጎማው 1200 ራንድ ወይም በዶላር 137.28 ይሆናል፡፡ ስለዚህ በእርግዝና ወቅት በሽተኛ ልጅ በመውለድ ከመጠን በላይ የሚጠጡ ሲሆን አንዳንዶቹ ከጠዋት ሦስት ሰዓት ጀምሮ በቀን ከአምስት እስከ ስድስት ጠርሙስ እንደሚጠጡ ተነግሯል፡፡

ጠ/ሚ/ር ሻሮን ሊነቁ ይሆን?

የዛሬ ሰባት ዓመት አካባቢ በድንገት ባጋጠማቸው የደም መርጋት በሽታ ራሳቸውን ስተው የሚገኙት የቀድሞው የእስራኤል ጠ/ሚ/ር ኤሪያል ሻሮን ሰሞኑን በጭንቅላታቸው ውስጥ ከፍተኛ የሆነ እንቅስቃሴ የሚያሳይ ሁኔታ መመልከታቸውን ሐኪሞቻቸው ገልጸዋል፡፡

የ84ዓመቱ ሻሮን ተመልሰው ሊነቁ የሚችሉበት ሁኔታ እጅግ ዝቅተኛ እንደሆነ ሐኪሞች ቢናገሩም በአሁኑ ጊዜ ግን በጭንቅላታቸው ውስጥ የመስማትና አንዳንድ ክስተቶችን የማመላለስ ድርጊት እየተካሄደ እንደሆነ የሚጠቁም የምርመራ መረጃ ማግኘታቸውን ሐኪሞቹ ተናግረዋል፡፡

ለወራት ራሳቸውን ስተዋል፣ ሞተዋል፣ እያገገሙ ነው፣ ተመልሰው ሥራ ጀምረዋል፣ … ሲባልላቸው ቆይቶ በመጨረሻ ላይ የቀብር ሥነስርዓታቸው የተጠናቀቀው አቶ መለስ እንደ ሻሮን “አሉ እየተባሉ” በሞትና ሕይወት ውስጥ ቢቆዩላቸው ምኞታቸው መሆኑን በወቅቱ ወዳጆቻቸውና ደጋፊዎቻቸው ተመኝተውላቸው ነበር፡፡

ካስወለድክ ትታሰራለህ!

ከተለያዩ ሴቶች የአራት ልጆች አባት የሆነው ሲም ቴይለር ከእንግዲህ ወዲህ አንድ ልጅ ቢጨምር ወደ እስር ቤት እንደሚወርድ ፍርድቤት ውሳኔ አስተላልፎበታል፡፡

ለልጆቹ ማሳደጊያ ባመክፈል ወደ 100ሺህ ዶላር ዕዳ ለበት የኦሃዮ ጠቅላይ ግዛት ነዋሪ የሆነው ይህ ግለሰብ የዳኛውን ውሳኔ የተቃወመ ሲሆን ለማሳደጊያ ገንዘብ ባይሰጥም ልጆቹንም እንደሚገባው ሲከባከብ እንደኖረ ተናግሯል፡፡ ጠበቃው በበኩላቸው “ፍርድቤቱ በደንበኛዬ መኝታቤት ጉዳይ ላይ ነው ውሳኔ የሰጠው” በማለት የዳኛውን ውሳኔ ተቃውመዋል፡፡ ግለሰቡ ገንዘቡን እንደሚከፍል ሁኔታዎችን ካመቻቸ የማስወለድ መብቱ እንደገና ሊታይ እንደሚችል ዳኛው ተናግረዋል፡፡

የፍቅራቸው ፊኛ ሲፈነዳ

ጥንዶቹ ለመጋባት ሲወስኑ ዕቅዱ አየር ላይ የጋብቻው ሥነስርዓት እንዲሆን ነበር፡፡ በያዝነው የአውሮጳውያን ወር መጀመሪያ አካባቢ የታሰበው የጋብቻ ሥነስርዓት እንደታሰበው አልተጠናቀቀም፡፡

በደቡብ ካሊፎርኒያ ጠቅላይ ግዛት ከነሙሽሮቹ ወደ 14የሚጠጉ ሰዎች የተጫኑበት የእሣት ፊኛ ሙሽሮቹ የጋብቻ ቃልኪዳናቸውን ከፈጸሙ በኋላ በአየር ላይ እንዳለ እክል ስለገጠመው ፓይለቱ ፊኛውን ባስቸኳይ ወደ ምድር እንዲወርድ ሲያደርግ በሰው ህይወት ላይ የደረሰ ጉዳት ግን እንደሌለ አብሮ ተዘግቧል፡፡ ሙሽሮቹ ግን አሁን ተስፋ አልቆረጡም – ገና አለ ገና – እንደግማለን ብለዋል፡፡

17 ቢሊዮን መሬት መሰል ፕላኔቶች

በቅርቡ ከአሜሪካው የጠፈር ምርምር ማዕከል (ናሳ) በተገኘው መረጃ እያንዳንዳችን ቢያንስ አንድ የግላችን ፕላኔት ሊኖረን እንደሚችል ነው፡፡

በኬፕለር የጠፈር አርቆ መመልከቻ የተገኙት ፕላኔቶች ምድርን የሚመስሉ ሲሆን ተንታኞች ባገኙት መረጃ መሠረት ምድርን የሚመስሉ 17 ቢሊዮን ፕላኔቶች ሊኖሩ እንደሚችሉ ነው፡፡ ምድርን መምሰላቸው ብቻ ሳይሆን በተመራማሪዎች አስተሳሰብ ህይወት ሊኖር ይችላል የሚል ግምትም አለ፡፡

የሳምንቱ ምርጥ ፎቶ

ከጥቂት ቀናት በፊት በፈረንሳይ የሚገኝ ድርጅት በየጊዜው የትዊተር መልዕክት ሲተላለፍ የብርሃን ብልጭታ በማሳየት የትዊተር እንቅስቃሴ የሚከታተል የዓለማችንን ካርታ ይፋ አድርጓል፡፡ ጨለማው አህጉር አሁም ጨለማ እንደወረሰው ነው፡፡

ዘገባውን ለማጠናቀር በየጽሁፉ ከጠቀስናቸው ምንጮች በተጨማሪ ሌሎችንም የሚዲያ ውጤቶች መጠቀማችንን ለመግለፅ እንወዳለን፡፡ ከዜናዎቹ ማነስ አኳያ በየጸሁፉ ለመግለጽ ባለመቻላችን ይቅርታ እንጠይቃለን፡፡

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የወያኔን ሰላዮችን ከውጭ አለም ማጽዳት

ከእስከ ነጻነት

ኢትዮጵያ የነጻነት ቀንዲል ነች፡እንደ ስበሃት ነጋ ላሉ ባንዳ ወያኔዎች ግን ጣሊያንን አሸንፈን ለመላው የጥቁር ህዝብ የነጻነት ጎህ ቀዳጅ መሆናችን ኩራት ሳይሆን እፍረት ስለሚመስላቸው አገሪቷ ከነሰንደቅ አላማዋ ጥፍታ ማየት የዘወትር ጥረታቸው ነው፡ ሌት ተቅን የሚተጉትም ለዚህ ስለሆነ የኢትዮጵያዊነት ሰሜት ያላቸውን ሁሉ ማሰር፤ መግደል፤ ማጥፋት ዋና ትግባራቸው ነው፡ ይህም ተግባራቸው ከበረሃ እስከ አዲስ አበባ ከዛም ጎረቢት አገሮች ድረስ ዘልቆ አሁን ደግሞ ወደ ምእራብ ሐገራትም መጣሁ እያለ ነው።

ግን አገሪቷም ሆነ ባንዲራዋ ልትጠፋ አትችልም፡ ለጥቁር ህዝብ የነጻነት ጎህ የቀደደች መሆኗን ለማረጋገጥ በርካታ ሃገራት ከቅኝ ግዛት ነጻ ሲወጡ ባንዲራቸውን መሰረት ያደረጉት በኢትዮጵያ አረንጓዴ ቢጫ ቀይ ባንዲራ ላይ ስለሆነ ባለም ዙሪያ ሲውለበለብ ይኖራል እንጂ ባንዳዎች እንደተመኙት ልትጠፋ አትችልም።

ባለፈው አበበ ገላው ላይ የተቃጣው የግድያ ሴራ ከወያኔ አድሎአዊ አገዛዝ፤ ሸሽተን በመጣነው ሁሉ ላይ የተቃጣ ዛቻ ነውበሚል አጠር ያለች ጽሑፍ በእንግሊዘኛ ቋንቋ አቅርቤ ነበር። በዛሬው ጽሁፌ ማተኮር የምፈልገው ወያኔ (ለኔ ወያኔ ማለት ለአላማም ይሁን ለጥቅም የዚህን አገዛዝ እድሜ የሚያራዝም ሁሉ ነው) እንዴት ተሰደን ባለንበት አገር ለማስፈራራት ብርታቱን አገኘ? እንዴትስ የወያኔ አባላት ሰላዮች እና እበላ ባዮች በውጭው አለም በዙ? እንዴትስ መመንጠር እንችላለን የሚሉትን ዝርዝር ጉዳዮች በተመለከተ ይሆናል።

ወደ ውጭ አገር መሰደጃ መንገዶች የታወቁ ናቸው፡ ከደርግ ጅምላ ፍጅት ሽሽት አገራቸውን ጥለው የተሰደዱ ብዙ ናቸው፡ በዘር የተደራጀው እና ዘር በማጥላላትና በማጥፋተ ላይ የተመሰረተው የወያኔ ቡድን ስርዓቱን በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ከጫነ ጀምሮ፡ ወያኔ በህዝቡ ላይ በሚያደርገው ጫና፤ ጭቆናና ግፍ አገራችንን ለቀን ተሰደናል፡ የተሳካልን ነጻው አለም ደርስናል ያልተሳካላቸው በበረሃ አሸዋ ተውጠው ቀርተዋል፡ ባህር ውጧቸዋል፡ ከቀይ ባህር እስከ ቬንዙዌላ የውሃ ጎርፍ ወስዷቸዋል፡ ከባህር እና ካሸዋ የተረፉት በየሀገራቱ እስር ቤቶች ተሰቃይተው ሞተዋል፡የውስጥ አካላቸው ተበልቶ ተወሰዷል፤ በእህቶቻችን ላይ የደረሰውንና እየደረሰ ያለውን ግፍ እና ስቃይ መናገር አይቻልም፡ የሰው ህሊና ሊያስበውና ሊሸከመው ከሚችለው በላይ ነው።

እኛስ በዚህ መልኩ ተሰደድን የወያኔ ደጋፊዎች፤ እና ሰላዮችስ እንዴት መጡ?

በስራ፤ በንግድ፤ ወይም በተለያየ መንገድ ከመጡት በተጨማሪ፡ እንደኛው ወያኔ ሊያኖረኝ አልቻለም፡ አሰረኝ፤ ገረፈኝ ብለው የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት ጠይቀው ውጭ የሚኖሩ በጣም ብዙ ናቸው፡ በሌላም በኩል ኤርተራዊ ነኝ፡ ብለው በኤርትራውያን ስም፤ ሱማሌያዊ ነኝ ብለው በሱማሌ ስም ጥገኝነት ጠይቀው የተፈቀደላቸው እንዳሉም ይታወቃል፡ እንዳውም የኤርትራውያንን ስደተኞች ተቀብያለሁ እና ሶስተኛ አለም ተረከቡኝ ብሎ ሶስተኛ አገሮች ከተረከቧቸው አብዛኛዎቹ የወያኔ ደጋፊዎች እና የወያኔ ሰላይ ኢትዮጵያውያን መሆናቸውን ስደተኞችን ተቀባይ አገሮች አይወቁት እንጂ የህን ጽሁፍ በማንበብ ላይ ያለኸው፤ ያለሽው፡ ጠንቅቀው ያውቁታል።

ለምን የወያኔ ደጋፊዎች፤ ወደ ነጻው አገር መጡ አደለም ጥያቄው፡ ይኸ መንግስት በድሎናል፤ ጨቁኖናል መኖር አልቻንም ብለው የጥገኝነት ጥያቄ አቅርበው፤ ጥያቄያቸው ተቀባይነት ካገኘ በሗላ ከዚሁ ጨቆነን ካሉት መንግስት ጋር አብሮ መስራት፤ የወያኔ ደጋፊዎች፤ ኢምባሲ ጭምር በሚያዘጋጁት ስብሰባ ላይ፤ የድጋፍ ሰልፍ ላይ እንዴት ሊገኙ ቻሉ?

ይህ ብቻ አደለም ከድጋፍ አልፈው የወያኔ አገዛዝ አስመርሯቸው የተሰደዱትን በኬንያ፤ በዩጋንዳ በሱዳን፤ በሶማሊያ፤ በጅቡቲ ሲገሉ እና ሲያሰገድሉ ኖረዋል፡ ያንን ተግበር አሜሪካ፤ ካናዳ እና አውሰትራሊያም ሊሞከሩ እንደሚችሉ፤ መገመት በቻ ሳይሆን አበበ ገላው ላይ የተጠነሰሰው ሴራና የአሜሪካው የፌዴራል ምርምራ ቢሮ (FBI) ማክሸፉ ያላቸውን ዕብሪት በግልጽ ያሳያል።

ይህ ደግሞ በአበበ ገላው ብቻ የሚቆም አደለም ለሌሎቻችንም የሚተርፍ የወያኔ ድግስ ነው ስለዚህ እንዴት ማስቆም አለብን የሚለው ነው ቁም ነገሩ።

ይህንን ለማሰቆም ወይም የወያኔ ሰላዮችን አጋልጦ ለፍርድ ለማቅረብ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ወይም የሲቪክ ድርጅቶች አያስፈልጉም፡ እነሱ ወያኔን ከስሩ ለመንቀል ይንቀሳቀሱ፤ ለዚህ ተግባር ግን የሚያሰፈልገው፡ በወያኔ የዘረኛ አገዛዝ ተማረህ የተሰደድክ፡ ግፋዊ አሰተዳደሩን መቋቋም አቅቶሽ አገርሽን ጥለሽ የወጣሽ፡ በወያኔ የግፍ ቀንበር እህትህን ያጣህ፤ ወንድምሽ እህትሽ በስደት ላይ እያሉ ባህር የዋጠብሽ፡ አንተ ነህ፤ አንቺ ነሽ የምታስፈልጊው፤ የምታስፈልገው። በአንድ ከተማ ውስጥ አንድ ወይም ሁለት ቁርጠኛ ኢትዮጵያዊ ካለ በቂ ነው፡ በኢትዮጵያ የህግ የበላይነት መከበር ጽኑ አላማ ያለውና በጥቅም ያማይገዛ ህሊና ያላቸው አንድ ወይም ሁለት ባንድ ከተማ ካሉ በጣምበቂ ነው፡ የሚጠበቀው መደባደብ ወይም መሰዳደብ አደለም የሚያሰፈልገው ወያኔ በድሎኛል ብሎ የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት የጠየቀ ሰው ከወያኔ ቡድን ጋር እየሰራ እና ኢትዮጵያውያንን እንዲሁም ጥገኝነት የሰጠውን አገር አየስለለ መሆኑን ሪፖረት ማረግ ብቻ ነው።

ማንኛውም ሰው አንድ አገር የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት ሲጠይቅ በስልጣን ላይ ያለው መንግስት በደለኝ ብሎ መኖር አልቻልኩም ካለና ጥያቄው ተቀባይነት ካገኘ በሗላ ያ መንግስት እስካልተቀየረ ድረስ ከዛ መንግሰት ጋር ምንም አይነት ግንኙነት ሊኖረው አይችልም፡ በምንም መልኩ ከዛ መንግስት ጋር ግንኙነቱን ከቀጠለ ከመንግስቱ ጋር ችግር የለበትም ማለት ነው ስለዚህ ወዳገሩ መመለስ አለበት፡ የኽ የኔ አስተያየት ሳይሆን የየሃገራቱ የስደተኛ ህጎች ናቸው።

ስለሆነም ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ ብሎ የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት ጠይቆ የተፈቀደለት፡ ወይም ኤርትራዊ፤ ሶማሊያዊ ነኝ ብሎ ጥገኝነት የተፈቅደለት (ወንድ ይሆን ሴት፤ አማራ ይሁን ኦሮሞ፤ ትገሬ ይሆን አደሬ፤ ማንም ይሁን ማ) የወያኔው ኢምባሲ በሚያዘጋጀው ፕሮገራም ላይ የሚሳተፍ፤ የወያኔ ባለስልጣናት በሚጠሩት ስብሰባ ላይ የሚገኝ፤ የወያኔ ደጋፊዎች ወይም ካደሬዎች በሚያዘጋጁት የወያኔ የድጋፍ ሰልፍ ላይ የሚገኘን፡ ከወያኔ ጋር የንግድ ስራ ጀምሮ ኢትዮጵያ የሚመላለስን ሁሉ ለሚመለከተው ክፍል ሪፖርት ማደረግ ያስፈልጋል።

ባለፈው 21 አመት ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ መንግስት አልተቀየረም ስለሆነም በነዚህ ጊዜያት የወያኔ መንግስት በድሎኛል፤ ሊያኖረኝ አለቻለም ብሎ የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት የጠየቀ ሰው ሁሉ በምንም መልኩ ከወያኔ ጋር የሚሰራ፡ ወያኔ በሚያዘጋጀው ዝግጅት ላይ የሚገኝ ሁሉ ሪፖርት መደረግ አለበት።

እዚህ ላይ አደራ የምለው እና ትልቅ ጥንቃቄ ማድረግ የሚገባው ሪፖርት የሚደረገው ነገር እውነት ብቻ እንዲሆን፤ በግል ቂም በቀል፤ ወይም በተወሰነ ዘር ላይ ያነጣጠረ እንዳይሆን አደራ እላለሁ፡፡ ወያኔን ያጠናከረው፡ የተወሰነ ዘር ወይም የወያኔው አባላት ብቻ ሳይሆን እበላ ባይ አጃቢ ጭምር መሆኑን መገንዘብ ያስፈልጋል፡ ስለዚህ ሁሉም የወያኔን እድሜ እየለመነ የወያኔን ፍርፋሪ የሚለቃቅም ሁሉ ሪፖርት መደረግ አለበት።

ወያኔን ለመቃወም ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ሲወጣ ከወያኔ ጋር መደባደብ መነታረክ ሳይሆን ሰማቸውን ቢቻል አድራሻና ፎቶገራፋቸውን መዝግቦ መያዝ ነው ከዛ ለሚመለከተው ረፖርት ማድረግ።

ሪፖርት ለማድረግ የግድ የግል ሰማችሁን መጠቀም አይኖርባችሁም፤ ሰሜ አይገለጽ ማለትም ትችላላችሁ፡ ከቤታችሁ ሪፖረት መላክ ካላመቻችሁ ወይም ካልፈለጋችሁ ከህዝብ መጻሕፍት ቤት ኮምፑተር ተጠቅማችሁ ሪፖርት ማድርግ ትችላላቸሁ፡ የህዝብ ቤተ መጻህፍት አባል ለመሆን ክፍያ አይጠይቅም ነጻ ነው፤ የሚጠይቀው መታወቂያ ወይም ባደራሻችሁ በስማችሁ የተላከ ደብዳቤ ብቻ በቂ ነው፡

መልክታችሁ አጭር ነው፡

“እገሌ የሚባል ሰው አዚህ አገር ሲገባ መንግስት ጨቆነኝ አላኖር አለኝ፤ ብሎ ነበር አሁን ግን ጨቆነኝ ከሚለው ከመንግስት ጋር በቀጥታ እየሰራ ስለሆነ ሰላይ ሊሆን ይችላል ወይም የጥገኝነት ጥያቄው የውነት አደለም ብዬ እጠራጠራለሁ ማጣራት ቢደረግ”

ማጣራቱ የናንተ ጉዳይ ሳይሆን የደህንነት ሰራተኞች ጉዳይ ይሆናል፡ ከማንም ሳትማከሩ፤ አዩኝ አላዩኝ ብላችሁ ሳትፈሩ፤ ሚስጥሬ ይባክናል የሚል ስጋት ሳይኖራችሁ ትክክለኛውን መረጃ ለሚመለከተው ክፍል መስጠት የህሊና ነጻነት መጎናጸፍ እና የዜግነት ድርሻን መወጣት ነው፡

ሪፖርት የምታደርጉባቸውም አድራሻዎች

1. በዩናይትድ ሰቴትስ FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) https://tips.fbi.gov
2. በካናዳ Canadian Security Intelligence Service: http://www.csis-scrs.gc.ca/cmmn/cntcts-eng.asp
3. በአውስትራሊያ Australian security Intelligence Organization: http://www.asio.gov.au/Contact-Us.html

እግዚአብሄር ኢትዮጵያን ይጠብቅ::

http://www.ecadforum.com

በአርባምንጭ ዩኒቨርስቲ 13 ሚሊዮን ብር በማውጣት ፎርጅድ ቀለሞችን የገዙ ሰዎች ተያዙ

ጥር ፳ (ሀያ) ቀን ፳፻፭ ዓ/ም

ኢሳት ዜና:-ከዩኒቨርስቲው ምንጮች ያገኘነው መረጃ እንደሚያመለክተው በዩኒቨርስቲው ፋይናንስና ሂውማን ሪሶርስ ክፍል ውስጥ የሚሰሩ ሰራተኞች 13 ሚሊዮን ብር ዋጋ የሚያወጣ ፎርጅድ ( የተጭበረበረ)የፕሪንተር ቀለምና የኮምፒተር እቃዎችን ገዝተዋል ተብለው በፌደራል ፖሊሶች ቁጥጥር ስር ውለዋል። የተያዙት ግለሰቦች ከዚህ ቀደም በከፍተኛ የሀላፊነት ቦታዎች ላይ የነበሩና ላለፉት 20 አመታት በተለያዩ መንገዶች ለአካባቢው ህዝብ የሚላከውን ገንዘብ በመዝረፍ የሚታወቁ ናቸው።

አንድ ስማቸው እንዳይገለጥ የፈለጉ ሰው እንደተናገሩት ገቢው በቀን አንድ ዶላር በሆነባት አገር ፣ ይህን ያክል የገንዘብ ዝርፊያ መካሄዱ አስገራሚ ነው ብለዋል። ግለሰቦቹ የኢህአዴግ ባለስልጣናት በመሆናቸው ህዝቡን ለማስደሰት ተብለው ታሰሩ እንጅ በቅርቡ ሊለቀቁ ይችላሉ በማለት ግለሰቡ አክለው ገልጸዋል።

በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የሚታየው ሙስና ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ እየጨመረ በመሄድ ላይ ነው።

ESAT ስደት እስከ መቼ Ethiopia Scientific Racism: The Eugenics of Social Darwinism ኢትዮጵያ Ethiopia The Hidden Empire Ethiopia Economy befor

• Ethiopia Econom

• RESTRUCTURING THE ECONOMY along socialist lines and achieving sustained economic growth were the two major economic objectives of the Provisional Military Administrative Council when it assumed power in l974.  After the 1974 revolution, the pace of economic restructuring was accelerated by a barrage of legislation. A key part of the effort to reshape the economy was the implementation of Africa's most ambitious land reform program, which included nationalization of both rural and urban land.  Most of Ethiopia's industries, large-scale agricultural farms, and financial institutions were brought under the control of the government, and both rural and urban communities were organized into a hierarchy of associations.  Pursuit of the military regime's second objective--sustained economic growth--was less successful. Drought, regional conflicts, inflexible government policy, and lack of confidence by the private sector seriously affected the economy.  Falling productivity, soaring inflation, growing dependence on foreign aid and loans, high unemployment, and a deteriorating balance of payments all combined to create a deepening economic crisis. In 1990 Ethiopia had a gross national product of US$6 billion and a per capita income of about US$120, one of the lowest per capita incomes of any country in the world. Following the 1974 revolution, the socialist government developed a series of annual plans and a ten-year perspective plan to revitalize the war-ravaged economy.  Although the annual plans helped the regime deal with some urgent economic problems, such as shortages of food and consumer goods, decline in productivity, lack of foreign exchange, and rising unemployment, these plans failed to move the country significantly closer to attaining its longterm development objectives.  In l984/85 ( Ethiopian calendar year) the military government launched a new ten-year perspective plan, which represented a renewed commitment to economic growth and structural transformation of the economy.  However, the economy continued to deteriorate. In response, the regime introduced several additional reforms. For instance, the l988 Investment Code allowed unlimited participation of the private sector in certain areas of the economy. In January l988, under pressure from aid donor countries, the government agreed to restructure agricultural and farm price policies. Finally, in March l990 President Mengistu Haile Mariam announced the end of the country's Marxist economic system and the beginning of a mixed economy. Despite these reforms, the economy failed to improve. Ethiopia - Growth and Structure of the Economy Developments up to l974 By African standards, Ethiopia is a potentially wealthy country, with fertile soil and good rainfall over large regions. Farmers produce a variety of grains, including wheat, corn, and millet. Coffee also grows well on southern slopes.  Herders can raise cattle, sheep, and goats in nearly all parts of the country. Additionally, Ethiopia possesses several valuable minerals, including gold and platinum. Unlike most sub-Saharan African countries, Ethiopia's resources have enabled the country to maintain contacts with the outside world for centuries. Since ancient times, Ethiopian traders exchanged gold, ivory, musk, and wild animal skins for salt and luxury goods, such as silk and velvet.  By the late nineteenth century, coffee had become one of Ethiopia's more important cash crops. At that time, most trade flowed along two major trade routes, both of which terminated in the far southwest in the Kefa-Jima region. From there, one route went north to Mitsiwa via Gonder and Adwa, the other along the Awash River valley to Harer and then on to Berbera or Zeila on the Red Sea. Despite its many riches, Ethiopia never became a great trading nation. Most Ethiopians despised traders, preferring instead to emulate the country's warriors and priests.  After establishing a foothold in the country, Greek, Armenian, and Arab traders became the economic intermediaries between Ethiopia and the outside world. Arabs also settled in the interior and eventually dominated all commercial activity except petty trade. When their occupation of Ethiopia ended in 1941, the Italians left behind them a country whose economic structure was much as it had been for centuries.  There had been some improvements in communications, particularly in the area of road building, and attempts had been made to establish a few small industries and to introduce commercial farming, particularly in Eritrea, which Italy had occupied since 1890.  But these changes were limited. With only a small proportion of the population participating in the money economy, trade consisted mostly of barter. Wage labor was limited, economic units were largely self-sufficient, foreign trade was negligible, and the market for manufactured goods was extremely small. During the late l940s and 1950s, much of the economy remained unchanged. The government focused its development efforts on expansion of the bureaucratic structure and ancillary services. Most farmers cultivated small plots of land or herded cattle.  Traditional and primitive farming methods provided the population with a subsistence standard of living. In addition, many nomadic peoples raised livestock and followed a life of seasonal movement in drier areas. The agricultural sector grew slightly, and the industrial sector represented a small part of the total economy. By the early l950s, Emperor Haile Selassie I (reigned 1930- 74) had renewed calls for a transition from a subsistence economy to an agro-industrial economy.  To accomplish this task, Ethiopia needed an infrastructure to exploit resources, a material base to improve living conditions, and better health, education, communications, and other services. A key element of the emperor's new economic policy was the adoption of centrally administered development plans.  Between l945 and l957, several technical missions, including one each from the United States, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), and Yugoslavia, prepared a series of development plans. However, these plans failed to achieve any meaningful results, largely because basic statistical data were scarce and the government's administrative and technical capabilities were minimal. In 1954/55 the government created the National Economic Council to coordinate the state's development plans. This agency, which was a policy-making body chaired by the emperor, devoted its attention to improving agricultural and industrial productivity, eradicating illiteracy and diseases, and improving living standards for all Ethiopians. The National Economic Council helped to prepare Ethiopia's first and second five-year plans. The First Five-Year Plan (1957-61) sought to develop a strong infrastructure, particularly in transportation, construction, and communications, to link isolated regions. Another goal was the establishment of an indigenous cadre of skilled and semiskilled personnel to work in processing industries to help reduce Ethiopia's dependence on imports.  Lastly, the plan aimed to accelerate agricultural development by promoting commercial agricultural ventures. The Second Five-Year Plan (1962-67) signaled the start of a twenty-year program to change Ethiopia's predominantly agricultural economy to an agro-industrial one.  The plan's objectives included diversification of production, introduction of modern processing methods, and expansion of the economy's productive capacity to increase the country's growth rate.  The Third Five-Year Plan (1968-73) also sought to facilitate Ethiopia's economic well-being by raising manufacturing and agro-industrial performance. However, unlike its predecessors, the third plan expressed the government's willingness to expand educational opportunities and to improve peasant agriculture.  Total investment for the First Five-Year Plan reached 839.6 million birr, about 25 percent above the planned 674 million birr figure; total expenditure for the Second Five-Year Plan was 13 percent higher than the planned 1,694 million birr figure. The allocation for the Third Five-Year Plan was 3,115 million birr. Several factors hindered Ethiopia's development planning. Apart from the fact that the government lacked the administrative and technical capabilities to implement a national development plan, staffing problems plagued the Planning Commission (which prepared the first and second plans) and the Ministry of Planning (which prepared the third).  Many project managers failed to achieve plan objectives because they neglected to identify the resources (personnel, equipment, and funds) and to establish the organizational structures necessary to facilitate largescale economic development. During the First Five-Year Plan, the gross national product ( GNP ) increased at a 3.2 percent annual rate as opposed to the projected figure of 3.7 percent, and growth in economic sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and mining failed to meet the national plan's targets.  Exports increased at a 3.5 percent annual rate during the first plan, whereas imports grew at a rate of 6.4 percent per annum, thus failing to correct the negative balance of trade that had existed since l95l. The Second Five-Year Plan and Third Five-Year Plan anticipated that the economy would grow at an annual rate of 4.3 percent and 6.0 percent, respectively.  Officials also expected agriculture, manufacturing, and transportation and communications to grow at respective rates of 2.5, 27.3, and 6.7 percent annually during the Second Five-Year Plan and at respective rates of 2.9, l4.9, and l0.9 percent during the Third Five-Year Plan. The Planning Commission never assessed the performance of these two plans, largely because of a shortage of qualified personnel. However, according to data from the Ethiopian government's Central Statistical Authority, during the 1960/61 to 1973/74 period the economy achieved sustained economic growth. Between 1960 and 1970, for example, Ethiopia enjoyed an annual 4.4 percent average growth rate in per capita gross domestic product ( GDP ).   The manufacturing sector's growth rate more than doubled (from 1.9 percent in 1960/61 to 4.4 percent in 1973/74), and the growth rate for the wholesale, retail trade, transportation, and communications sectors increased from 9.3 percent to 15.6 percent. Relative to its neighbors, Ethiopia's economic performance was mixed. Ethiopia's 4.4 percent average per capita GDP growth rate was higher than Sudan's 1.3 percent rate or Somalia's 1 percent rate. However, Kenya's GDP grew at an estimated 6 percent annual rate, and Uganda achieved a 5.6 percent growth rate during the same 1960/61 to 1972/73 period. By the early l970s, Ethiopia's economy not only had started to grow but also had begun to diversify into areas such as manufacturing and services.  However, these changes failed to improve the lives of most Ethiopians. About four-fifths of the population were subsistence farmers who lived in poverty because they used most of their meager production to pay taxes, rents, debt payments, and bribes. On a broader level, from 1953 to 1974 the balance of trade registered annual deficits.  The only exception was l973, when a combination of unusually large receipts from the export of oilseeds and pulses and an unusually small rise in import values resulted in a favorable balance of payments of 454 million birr. With the country registering trade deficits, the government attempted to restrict imports and to substitute locally produced industrial goods to improve the trade balance . Despite these efforts, however, the unfavorable trade balance continued. As a result, foreign grants and loans financed much of the balance of payments deficit. Ethiopia - Economy - Postrevolution Period The l974 revolution resulted in the nationalization and restructuring of the Ethiopian economy. After the revolution, the country's economy can be viewed as having gone through four phases. Internal political upheaval, armed conflict, and radical institutional reform marked the 1974-78 period of the revolution. There was little economic growth; instead, the government's nationalization measures and the highly unstable political climate caused economic dislocation in sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing. Additionally,  the military budget consumed a substantial portion of the nation's resources. As a result of these problems, GDP increased at an average annual rate of only 0.4 percent. Moreover, the current account deficit and the overall fiscal deficit widened, and the retail price index jumped, experiencing a l6.5 percent average annual increase. In the second phase (1978-80), the economy began to recover as the government consolidated power and implemented institutional reforms.  The government's new Development Through Cooperation Campaign (commonly referred to as zemecha) also contributed to the economy's improvement. More important, security conditions improved as internal and external threats subsided.  In the aftermath of the 1977-78 Ogaden War and the decline in rebel activity in Eritrea, Addis Ababa set production targets and mobilized the resources needed to improve economic conditions. Consequently, GDP grew at an average annual rate of 5.7 percent. Benefiting from good weather,  agricultural production increased at an average annual rate of 3.6 percent, and manufacturing increased at an average annual rate of l8.9 percent, as many closed plants, particularly in Eritrea, reopened. The current account deficit and the overall fiscal deficit remained below 5 percent of GDP during this period. In the third phase (1980-85), the economy experienced a setback. Except for Ethiopian fiscal year ( EFY) 1982/83, the growth of GDP declined. Manufacturing took a downturn as well, and agriculture reached a crisis stage.  Four factors accounted for these developments. First, the 1984-85 drought affected almost all regions of the country. As a result, the government committed scarce resources to famine relief efforts while tabling long-term development projects. Consequently, the external accounts (as shown in the current account deficit and the debt service ratio) and the overall fiscal deficit worsened,  despite international drought assistance totaling more than US$450 million. Notwithstanding these efforts, close to 8 million people became famine victims during the drought of the mid-1980s, and about 1 million died. Second, the manufacturing sector stagnated as agricultural inputs declined. Also, many industries exhausted their capacity to increase output; as a result, they failed to meet the rising demand for consumer items.  Third, the lack of foreign exchange and declining investment reversed the relatively high manufacturing growth rates of 1978-80. Finally, Ethiopia's large military establishment created a major burden on the economy. Defense expenditures during this time were absorbing 40 to 50 percent of the government's current expenditure. In the fourth period (1985-90), the economy continued to stagnate, despite an improvement in the weather in EFY l985/86 and EFY l986/87, which helped reverse the agricultural decline. GDP and the manufacturing sector also grew during this period, GDP increasing at an average annual rate of 5 percent.  However, the lingering effects of the 1984-85 drought undercut these achievements and contributed to the economy's overall stagnation. During the 1985-90 period, the current account deficit and the overall fiscal deficit worsened to annual rates of l0.6 and l3.5 percent, respectively, and the debt service ratio continued to climb. Ethiopia - Economy - Role of Government The imperial government presided over what was, even in the mid-twentieth century, essentially a feudal economy, with aristocrats and the church owning most arable land and tenant farmers who paid exorbitant rents making up the majority of the nation's agriculturalists.  Acting primarily through the Ministry of Finance, the emperor used fiscal and monetary strategies to direct the local economy. The various ministries, although not always effective, played a key role in developing and implementing programs. The government conducted negotiations with the ministries to allocate resources for plan priorities. Officials formulated actual operations, however, without adhering to plan priorities. This problem developed partly because the relationship between the Planning Commission, responsible for formulating national objectives and priorities, and the Ministry of Finance, responsible for resource planning and management, was not clearly defined.  The Ministry of Finance often played a pivotal role, whereas the Planning Commission was relegated to a minor role. Often the Planning Commission was perceived as merely another bureaucratic layer. The ultimate power to approve budgets and programs rested with the emperor, although the Council of Ministers had the opportunity to review plans. After the revolution, the government's role in determining economic policies changed dramatically. In January and February l975, the government nationalized or took partial control of more than l00 companies, banks and other financial institutions, and insurance companies.  In March l975, the regime nationalized rural land and granted peasants "possessing rights" to parcels of land not to exceed ten hectares per grantee. In December l975, the government issued Proclamation No. 76, which established a 500,000 birr ceiling on private investment and urged Ethiopians to invest in enterprises larger than cottage industries.  This policy changed in mid-1989, when the government implemented three special decrees to encourage the development of small-scale industries, the participation of nongovernmental bodies in the hotel industry, and the establishment of joint ventures. Under the Provisional Military Administrative Council (PMAC; also known as the Derg), Ethiopia's political system and economic structure changed dramatically, and the government embraced a Marxist-Leninist political philosophy.  Planning became more ambitious and more pervasive, penetrating all regions and all sectors of the society, in contrast to the imperial period. Article ll of the l987 constitution legitimized these changes by declaring that "the State shall guide the economic and social activities of the country through a central plan."  The Office of the National Council for Central Planning (ONCCP), which replaced the Planning Commission and which was chaired by Mengistu as head of state, served as the supreme policy-making body and had the power and responsibility to prepare the directives, strategies, and procedures for short- and long-range plans.  The ONCCP played a pivotal role in mediating budget requests between other ministries and the Ministry of Finance. The government also sought to improve Ethiopia's economic performance by expanding the number of state-owned enterprises and encouraging barter and countertrade practices. On March 5, 1990, President Mengistu delivered a speech to the Workers' Party of Ethiopia (WPE) Central Committee in which he declared the failure of the Marxist economic system imposed by the military regime after the 1974 overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie.  He also announced the adoption of a new strategy for the country's future progress and development. Mengistu's proposals included decentralization in planning and a free-market, mixed economy in which the private and public sectors would play complementary roles. The new strategy would permit Ethiopian and foreign private individuals to invest in foreign and domestic trade, industry, construction, mining, and agriculture and in the country's development in general. Although Mengistu's new economic policy attracted considerable attention, many economists were skeptical about Ethiopia's ability to bring about a quick radical transformation of its economic policies.  In any case, the plan proved irrelevant in view of the deteriorating political and military situation that led to the fall of the regime in 1991. Ethiopia - Economy - Role of Government - The Budgetary Process During the imperial period, the government initiated the budget cycle each year on the first day of Tikimt (October ll) by issuing a "call for budget proposals." Supposedly, the various ministries and agencies adhered to deadlines in completing the budgetary process. These organizations submitted current and capital budget proposals to the Ministry of Finance; the Council of Ministers reviewed all requests. The ultimate power for approval rested with the emperor. After the revolution, the government developed new guidelines on budget preparation and approval. Addis Ababa issued annual budget "calls" in July or August, with preliminary information and guidance.  The new guidelines required ministries and agencies to complete their proposals by January, when budget hearings would begin. The hearings included discussions with ministries in which requests would be aligned with allocations, and justifications for requests would be evaluated.  After the ministries submitted their current budget proposals to the Ministry of Finance for review, with a copy to the ONCCP, the ONCCP executive committee would approve, disapprove, or change the requests.  Conversely, ministries would send capital budget proposals to the ONCCP with a copy to the Ministry of Finance. The ONCCP would conclude a similar process of budget hearings, which would include a review of adherence to guidelines, justifications for requests, and conformity to investment priorities identified in the national plan. Thus, under the new system, the Ministry of Finance developed the current budget, and the ONCCP developed the capital budget.  Draft current and capital budgets prepared by the Ministry of Finance and the ONCCP, respectively, would then be reconciled with estimates of revenues, domestic resources, and other sources of funding such as loans and aid. The consolidated current and capital budgets then would go to the Council of Ministers for review and recommendations. The final approval was the head of state's prerogative. Ethiopia - Economy - Revenue and Expenditures Resources were allocated among the various sectors of the economy differently in the imperial and revolutionary periods. Under the emperor, the government dedicated about 36 percent of the annual budget to national defense and maintenance of internal order.  Toward the end of the imperial period, the budgets of the various ministries increased steadily while tax yields stagnated. With a majority of the population living at a subsistence level, there was limited opportunity to increase taxes on personal or agricultural income. Consequently, the imperial government relied on indirect taxes (customs, excise, and sales) to generate revenues.  For instance, in the early l970s taxes on foreign trade accounted for close to twofifths of the tax revenues and about one-third of all government revenues, excluding foreign grants. At the same time, direct taxes accounted for less than one-third of tax revenues. The revolutionary government changed the tax structure in 1976, replacing taxes on agricultural income and rural land with a rural land-use fee and a new tax on income from agricultural activities. The government partially alleviated the tax collection problem that existed during the imperial period by delegating the responsibility for collecting the fee and tax on agriculture to peasant associations, which received a small percentage of revenues as payment.  Whereas total revenue increased significantly, to about 24 percent of GDP in EFY l988/89, tax revenues remained stagnant at around l5 percent of GDP. In EFY l974/75, total revenue and tax revenue had been l3 and ll percent of GDP, respectively. Despite the 1976 changes in the tax structure, the government believed that the agricultural income tax was being underpaid, largely because of underassessments by peasant associations. The government levied taxes on exports and imports. In 1987 Addis Ababa taxed all exports at 2 percent and levied an additional export duty and a surtax on coffee.  Import taxes included customs duties and a 19 percent general import transaction tax. Because of a policy of encouraging new capital investment, the government exempted capital goods from all import taxes.  Among imports, intermediate goods were taxed on a scale ranging from 0 to 35 percent, consumer goods on a scale of 0 to l00 percent, and luxuries at a flat rate of 200 percent. High taxes on certain consumer goods and luxury items contributed to a flourishing underground economy in which the smuggling of some imports, particularly liquor and electronic goods, played an important part. Although tax collection procedures proved somewhat ineffective, the government maintained close control of current and capital expenditures. The Ministry of Finance oversaw procurements and audited ministries to ensure that expenditures conformed to budget authorizations. Current expenditures as a proportion of GDP grew from l3.2 percent in EFY l974/75 to 26.1 percent in EFY l987/88. This growth was largely the result of the increase in expenditures for defense and general services following the 1974 revolution. During the l977-78 Ogaden War, for example, when the Somali counteroffensive was under way, defense took close to 60 percent of the budget.  That percentage declined after l979, although it remained relatively higher than the figure for the prerevolutionary period. Between l974 and l988, about 40 to 50 percent of the budget was dedicated to defense and government services. Economic and social services received less than 30 percent of government funds until EFY l972/73, when a rise in educational outlays pushed them to around 40 percent. Under the Mengistu regime, economic and social service expenditures remained at prerevolutionary levels: agriculture's share was 2 percent, while education and health received an average of l4 and 4 percent, respectively. Ethiopia - Banking and Monetary Policy The 1974 revolution brought major changes to the banking system. Prior to the emergence of the Marxist government, Ethiopia had several state-owned banking institutions and private financial institutions.  The National Bank of Ethiopia (the country's central bank and financial adviser), the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (which handled commercial operations), the Agricultural and Industrial Development Bank (established largely to finance state-owned enterprises), the Savings and Mortgage Corporation of Ethiopia, and the Imperial Savings and Home Ownership Public Association (which provided savings and loan services) were the major state-owned banks.  Major private commercial institutions, many of which were foreign owned, included the Addis Ababa Bank, the Banco di Napoli, and the Banco di Roma. In addition, there were several insurance companies. In January and February l975, the government nationalized and subsequently reorganized private banks and insurance companies. By the early l980s, the country's banking system included the National Bank of Ethiopia; the Addis Ababa Bank, which was formed by merging the three commercial banks that existed prior to  the revolution; the Ethiopian Insurance Corporation, which incorporated all of the nationalized insurance companies; and the new Housing and Savings Bank, which was responsible for making loans for new housing and home improvement.  The government placed all banks and financial institutions under the National Bank of Ethiopia's control and supervision. The National Bank of Ethiopia regulated currency, controlled credit and monetary policy, and administered foreign-currency transactions and the official foreign-exchange reserves.  A majority of the banking services were concentrated in major urban areas, although there were efforts to establish more rural bank branches throughout the country.  However, the lending strategies of the banks showed that the productive sectors were not given priority. In l988, for example, about 55 percent of all commercial bank credit financed imports and domestic trade and services. Agriculture and industry received only 6 and l3 percent of the commercial credit, respectively. To combat inflation and reduce the deficit, the government adopted a conservative fiscal management policy in the 1980s. The government limited the budget deficit to an average of about l4 percent of GDP in the five years ending in EFY l988/89 by borrowing from local sources. For instance, in EFY l987/88 domestic borrowing financed about 38 percent of the deficit.  Addis Ababa also imposed measures to cut back capital expenditures and to lower inflation. However, price controls, official overvaluing of the birr, and a freeze on the wages of senior government staff have failed to control inflation. By 1988 inflation was averaging 7.1 percent annually, but it turned sharply upward during 1990 as war expenditures increased and was estimated at 45 percent by mid-1991.  Moreover, money supply, defined as currency in circulation and demand deposits with banks (except that of the National Bank of Ethiopia), rose with the expansion in government budget deficits, which reached about 1.6 billion birr in EFY 1988/89. To help resolve this deficit problem and numerous other economic difficulties, Addis Ababa relied on foreign aid. Ethiopia - Labor Force Ethiopia's first and only national census, conducted in 1984, put the population at 42 million, which made Ethiopia the third most populous country in Africa, after Egypt and Nigeria. The census also showed that by l994 Ethiopia's population would reach 56 million. According to World Bank projections, Ethiopia will have a population of 66 million by the year 2000 (other estimates suggested that the population would be more than 67 million). The l984 census indicated that 46.6 percent of the population consisted of children under fifteen years of age, which indicated a relatively high rate of dependence on the working population for education, health, and social services.  Such a high dependency rate often is characteristic of a country in transition from a subsistence to a monetized economy. Because of limited investment resources in the modern sector, not all the working-age population can be absorbed, with the result that unemployment can become a growing social and economic problem for an economy in transition. The l988/89 economically active labor force was estimated to be 2l million, of which l9.3 million were in rural areas and l.7 million in urban areas. Estimates of the labor force's annual growth ranged from 1.8 to 2.9 percent. The labor force's occupational distribution showed that in l990 some 80 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, 8 percent in industry, and l2 percent in services. These figures had changed slightly from the 1965 figures of 86, 5, and 9 percent, respectively. Thus, while agriculture's proportionate share of the labor force fell, the other two sectors gained. This trend reflects a modernizing society that is diversifying its economy by expanding secondary and tertiary sectors. Ethiopia - Unemployment Generally, it is difficult to measure unemployment in less developed countries such as Ethiopia because of the lack of reliable records and the existence of various informal types of work. However, based on Ministry of Labor surveys and numerous other analyses, a general assessment of unemployment in Ethiopia can be made.  According to the Ministry of Labor, the unemployment rate increased 11.5 percent annually during the 1979-88 period; by l987/88 there were 715,065 registered unemployed workers in thirty-six major towns. Of those registered, l34,ll7 ultimately found jobs, leaving the remaining 580,948 unemployed. The urban labor force totaled 1.7 million in 1988/89. The Ministry of Labor indicated that the government employed 523,000 of these workers. The rest relied on private employment or self-employment for their livelihood. According to the government, rural unemployment was virtually nonexistent. A l981/82 rural labor survey revealed that 97.5 percent of the rural labor force worked, 2.4 percent did not work because of social reasons, and 0.l percent had been unemployed during the previous twelve months.  However, it is important to note that unemployment, as conventionally defined, records only part of the story; it leaves out disguised unemployment and underemployment, which were prevalent in both urban and rural areas. For instance, the same rural labor force survey found that 50 percent of those working were unpaid family workers.  What is important about unemployment in Ethiopia is that with an expansion of the labor force, the public sector--with an already swollen payroll and acute budgetary problems--was unlikely to absorb more than a tiny fraction of those entering the labor market. Ethiopia - Labor Unions The 1955 constitution guaranteed the right to form workers' associations. However, it was not until 1962 that the Ethiopian government issued the Labor Relations Decree, which authorized trade unions.  In April 1963, the imperial authorities recognized the Confederation of Ethiopian Labor Unions (CELU), which represented twenty-two industrial labor groups. By 1973 CELU had 167 affiliates with approximately 80,000 members, which represented only about 30 percent of all eligible workers. CELU never evolved into a national federation of unions. Instead, it remained an association of labor groups organized at the local level.  The absence of a national constituency, coupled with other problems such as corruption, embezzlement, election fraud, ethnic and regional discrimination, and inadequate finances, prevented CELU from challenging the status quo in the industrial sector. Nevertheless, CELU sponsored several labor protests and strikes during the first decade of its existence.  After 1972 CELU became more militant as drought and famine caused the death of up to 200,000 people. The government responded by using force to crush labor protests, strikes, and demonstrations. Although many of its members supported the overthrow of Haile Selassie, CELU was the first labor organization to reject the military junta and to demand the creation of a people's government. On May 19, 1975, the Derg temporarily closed CELU headquarters on the grounds that the union needed to be reorganized.  Furthermore, the military authorities asserted that workers should elect their future leaders according to the aims and objectives of Ethiopian socialism. This order did not rescind traditional workers' rights, such as the right to organize freely, to strike, and to bargain collectively over wages and working conditions.  Rather, it sought to control the political activities of the CELU leadership. As expected, CELU rejected these actions and continued to demand democratic changes and civilian rights.  In January 1977, the Derg replaced CELU (abolished December 1975) with the All-Ethiopia Trade Union (AETU). The AETU had 1,341 local chapters, known as workers' associations, with a total membership of 287,000.  The new union thus was twice as large as CELU had ever been. The government maintained that the AETU's purpose was to educate workers about the need to contribute their share to national development by increasing productivity and building socialism. In l978 the government replaced the AETU executive committee after charging it with political sabotage, abuse of authority, and failure to abide by the rules of democratic centralism. In l982 a further restructuring of the AETU occurred when Addis Ababa issued the Trade Unions' Organization Proclamation.  An uncompromising MarxistLeninist document, this proclamation emphasized the need "to enable workers to discharge their historical responsibility in building the national economy by handling with care the instruments of production as their produce, and by enhancing the production and proper distribution of goods and services."  A series of meetings and elections culminated in a national congress in June l982, at which the government replaced the leadership of the AETU. In l986 the government relabeled the AETU the Ethiopia Trade Union (ETU). In l983/84 the AETU claimed a membership of 3l3,434. The organization included nine industrial groups, the largest of which was manufacturing, which had accounted for 29.2 percent of the membership in l982/83, followed by agriculture, forestry, and fishing with 26.6 percent, services with l5.l percent, transportation with 8.l percent, construction with 8.0 percent, trade with 6.2 percent, utilities with 3.7 percent, finance with 2.4 percent, and mining with 0.7 percent. A total of 35.6 percent of the members lived in Addis Ababa and another l8.0 percent in Shewa.  Eritrea and Tigray accounted for no more than 7.5 percent of the total membership. By the late 1980s, the AETU had failed to regain the activist reputation its predecessors had won in the 1970s. According to one observer, this political quiescence probably indicated that the government had successfully co-opted the trade unions. Ethiopia - Wages and Prices Prior to the revolution, the Central Personnel Agency formulated and regulated wage policies. At the time of the military takeover, there was no minimum wage law; wages and salaries depended much on demand.  There was, however, some legislation that defined pay scales. For instance, Notice 49 of l972 defined pay scales and details regarding incremental steps for civil servants. Similarly, the Ethiopian Workers Commission had developed pay-scale guidelines based on skill, experience, and employment. In l974 CELU asked for a 3 birr daily minimum wage, which the imperial government eventually granted. After the revolution, the government's policy was to control wage growth to reduce pay scales. For parastatal and public enterprise workers earning 650 birr or less per month (real income, i.e., income adjusted for inflation) and civil servants earning 600 birr or less per month, the government allowed incremental pay increases. But for those above these cutoff points, there was a general salary freeze. However, promotions sometimes provided a worker a raise over the cutoff levels. Given inflation, the salary freeze affected the real income of many workers. For instance, the starting salary of a science graduate in l975 was 600 birr per month. In l984 the real monthly income of a science graduate had dropped to 239 birr. Similarly, the highest civil servant's maximum salary in l975 was l,440 birr per month; the real monthly income of the same civil servant in l984 was 573 birr. Data on real wages of manufacturing workers and the behavior of price indexes provide further evidence of worsening living standards after the revolution. In l985/86 the average real monthly income of an industrial worker was 65.6 percent of the l974/75 level.  The general trend shows that real income fell as consumer prices continued to increase. The retail price index for Addis Ababa rose from 375.2 in l980/8l (l963=100) to 480.0 in l987/88. This rise in the retail price index included increases in the cost of food (27 percent), household items (38 percent), and transportation (l7 percent). Price increases mainly affected urban wage earners on fixed incomes, as purchases of necessities used larger portions of their pay. The government's wage freeze and the controls it placed on job transfers and changes made it difficult for most urban wage earners to improve their living standards. The freeze on wages and job changes also reduced productivity. Ethiopia - Agriculture Accounting for over 40 percent of GDP, 80 percent of exports, and 80 percent of the labor force, agriculture remained in 1991 the economy's most important sector. Ethiopia has great agricultural potential because of its vast areas of fertile land, diverse climate, generally adequate rainfall, and large labor pool.  Despite this potential, however, Ethiopian agriculture has remained underdeveloped. Because of drought, which has persistently affected the country since the early 1970s, a poor economic base (low productivity, weak infrastructure, and low level of technology), and the Mengistu government's commitment to Marxism-Leninism,  the agricultural sector has performed poorly. For instance, according to the World Bank, between l980 and l987 agricultural production dropped at an annual rate of 2.l percent, while the population grew at an annual rate of 2.4 percent. Consequently, the country faced a tragic famine that resulted in the death of nearly 1 million people from l984 to 1986. During the imperial period, the development of the agricultural sector was retarded by a number of factors, including tenancy and land reform problems, the government's neglect of the agricultural sector (agriculture received less than 2 percent of budget allocations even though the vast majority of the population depended on agriculture),  low productivity, and lack of technological development. Moreover, the emperor's inability to implement meaningful land reform perpetuated a system in which aristocrats and the church owned most of the farmland and in which most farmers were tenants who had to provide as much as 50 percent of their crops as rent.  To make matters worse, during the 1972-74 drought and famine the imperial government refused to assist rural Ethiopians and tried to cover up the crisis by refusing international aid. As a result, up to 200,000 Ethiopians perished. Although the issue of land reform was not addressed until the l974 revolution, the government had tried to introduce programs to improve the condition of farmers. In 1971 the Ministry of Agriculture introduced the Minimum Package Program (MPP) to bring about economic and social changes.  The MPP included credit for the purchase of items such as fertilizers, improved seeds, and pesticides; innovative extension services; the establishment of cooperatives; and the provision of infrastructure, mainly water supply and all-weather roads.  The program, designed for rural development, was first introduced in a project called the Chilalo Agricultural Development Unit (CADU). The program later facilitated the establishment of similar internationally supported and financed projects at Ada (just south of Addis Ababa), Welamo, and Humera.  By l974 the Ministry of Agriculture's Extension and Project Implementation Department (EPID) had more than twenty-eight areas with more than 200 extension and marketing centers.  Although the MPPs improved the agricultural productivity of farmers, particularly in the project areas, there were many problems associated with discrimination against small farmers (because of a restrictive credit system that favored big landowners) and tenant eviction. Imperial government policy permitting investors to import fertilizers, pesticides, tractors and combines, and (until 1973) fuel free of import duties encouraged the rapid expansion of large-scale commercial farming.  As a result, agriculture continued to grow, albeit below the population growth rate. According to the World Bank, agricultural production increased at an average annual rate of 2.l percent between l965 and 1973, while population increased at an average annual rate of 2.6 percent during the same period. Agricultural productivity under the Derg continued to decline. According to the World Bank, agricultural production increased at an average annual rate of 0.6 percent between 1973 and 1980 but then decreased at an average annual rate of 2.1 percent between l980 and l987. During the same period (l973-87), population increased at an average annual rate of 2.6 percent (2.4 percent for 1980- 87).  The poor performance of agriculture was related to several factors, including drought; a government policy of controlling prices and the free movement of agricultural products from surplus to deficit areas; the unstable political climate;  the dislocation of the rural community caused by resettlement, villagization, and conscription of young farmers to meet military obligations; land tenure difficulties and the problem of land fragmentation; the lack of resources such as farm equipment, better seeds, and fertilizers; and the overall low level of technology. President Mengistu's 1990 decision to allow free movement of goods, to lift price controls, and to provide farmers with security of tenure was designed to reverse the decline in Ethiopia's agricultural sector.  There was much debate as to whether or not these reforms were genuine and how effectively they could be implemented. Nonetheless, agricultural output rose by an estimated 3 percent in 1990- 91, almost certainly in response to the relaxation of government regulation. This modest increase, however, was not enough to offset a general decrease in GDP during the same period. Ethiopia - Land Use Of Ethiopia's total land area of l,22l,480 square kilometers, the government estimated in the late 1980s that l5 percent was under cultivation and 5l percent was pastureland.  It was also estimated that over 60 percent of the cultivated area was cropland. Forestland, most of it in the southwestern part of the country, accounted for 4 percent of the total land area, according to the government.  These figures varied from those provided by the World Bank, which estimated that cropland, pastureland, and forestland accounted for l3, 4l, and 25 percent, respectively, of the total land area in l987. Inaccessibility, water shortages, and infestations of disease-causing insects, mainly mosquitoes, prevented the use of large parcels of potentially productive land. In Ethiopia's lowlands, for example, the presence of malaria kept farmers from settling in many areas. Most agricultural producers were subsistence farmers with small holdings, often broken into several plots. Most of these farmers lived on the highlands, mainly at elevations of 1,500 to 3,000 meters. The population in the lowland peripheries (below l,500 meters) was nomadic, engaged mainly in livestock raising. There are two predominant soil types in the highlands. The first, found in areas with relatively good drainage, consists of red-to-reddish-brown clayey loams that hold moisture and are well endowed with needed minerals, with the exception of phosphorus.  These types of soils are found in much of Ilubabor, Kefa, and Gamo Gofa. The second type consists of brownish-to-gray and black soils with a high clay content. These soils are found in both the northern and the southern highlands in areas with poor drainage. They are sticky when wet, hard when dry, and difficult to work. But with proper drainage and conditioning, these soils have excellent agricultural potential. Sandy desert soils cover much of the arid lowlands in the northeast and in the Ogaden area of southeastern Ethiopia. Because of low rainfall, these soils have limited agricultural potential, except in some areas where rainfall is sufficient for the growth of natural forage at certain times of the year. These areas are used by pastoralists who move back and forth in the area following the availability of pasture for their animals. The plains and low foothills west of the highlands have sandy and gray-to-black clay soils. Where the topography permits, they are suitable for farming. The soils of the Great Rift Valley often are conducive to agriculture if water is available for irrigation. The Awash River basin supports many large-scale commercial farms and several irrigated small farms. Soil erosion has been one of the country's major problems. Over the centuries, deforestation, overgrazing, and practices such as cultivation of slopes not suited to agriculture have eroded the soil, a situation that worsened considerably during the 1970s and 1980s, especially in Eritrea, Tigray, and parts of Gonder and Welo.  In addition, the rugged topography of the highlands, the brief but extremely heavy rainfalls that characterize many areas, and centuries-old farming practices that do not include conservation measures have accelerated soil erosion in much of Ethiopia's highland areas. In the dry lowlands, persistent winds also contribute to soil erosion. During the imperial era, the government failed to implement widespread conservation measures, largely because the country's complex land tenure system stymied attempts to halt soil erosion and improve the land.  After 1975 the revolutionary government used peasant associations to accelerate conservation work throughout rural areas. The 1977 famine also provided an impetus to promote conservation. The government mobilized farmers and organized "food for work" projects to build terraces and plant trees. During 1983-84 the Ministry of Agriculture used "food for work" projects to raise 65 million tree seedlings, plant 18,000 hectares of land, and terrace 9,500 hectares of land.  Peasant associations used 361 nurseries to plant 11,000 hectares of land in community forest. Between 1976 and 1985, the government constructed 600,000 kilometers of agricultural embankments on cultivated land and 470,000 kilometers of hillside terraces, and it closed 80,000 hectares of steep slopes for regeneration. However, the removal of arable land for conservation projects has threatened the welfare of increasing numbers of rural poor. For this reason, some environmental experts maintain that large-scale conservation work in Ethiopia has been ineffective. Ethiopia - Land Reform Until the l974 revolution, Ethiopia had a complex land tenure system. In Welo Province, for example, there were an estimated 111 types of land tenure. The existence of so many land tenure systems, coupled with the lack of reliable data, has made it difficult to give a comprehensive assessment of landownership in Ethiopia. However, the tenure system can be understood in a rudimentary way if one examines it in the context of the basic distinction between landownership patterns in the north and those in the south. Historically, Ethiopia was divided into the northern highlands, which constituted the core of the old Christian kingdom, and the southern highlands, most of which were brought under imperial rule by conquest.  This north-south distinction was reflected in land tenure differences. In the northern provinces--particularly Gojam, Begemdir and Simen (called Gonder after 1974), Tigray, highland Eritrea, parts of Welo, and northern Shewa--the major form of ownership was a type of communal system known as rist.  According to this system, all descendants (both male and female) of an individual founder were entitled to a share, and individuals had the right to use (a usufruct right) a plot of family land. Rist was hereditary, inalienable, and inviolable.  No user of any piece of land could sell his or her share outside the family or mortgage or bequeath his or her share as a gift, as the land belonged not to the individual but to the descent group. Most peasants in the northern highlands held at least some rist land, but there were some members belonging to minority ethnic groups who were tenant farmers. The other major form of tenure was gult , an ownership right acquired from the monarch or from provincial rulers who were empowered to make land grants. Gult owners collected tribute from the peasantry and, until l966 (when gult rights were abolished in principle), exacted labor service as payment in kind from the peasants. Until the government instituted salaries in the twentieth century, gult rights were the typical form of compensation for an official. Other forms of tenure included samon, mengist, and maderia land. Samon was land the government had granted to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in perpetuity.  Traditionally, the church had claimed about one-third of Ethiopia's land; however, actual ownership probably never reached this figure. Estimates of church holdings range from l0 to 20 percent of the country's cultivated land. Peasants who worked on church land paid tribute to the church (or monastery) rather than to the emperor. The church lost all its land after the 1974 revolution.  The state owned large tracts of agricultural land known as mengist and maderia. Mengist was land registered as government property, and maderia was land granted mainly to government officials, war veterans, and other patriots in lieu of a pension or salary.  Although it granted maderia land for life, the state possessed a reversionary right over all land grants. Government land comprised about 12 percent of the country's agricultural land. In general, absentee landlordism in the north was rare, and landless tenants were few. For instance, tenancy in Begemdir and Simen and in Gojam was estimated at about 2 percent of holdings. In the southern provinces, however, few farmers owned the land on which they worked.  Southern landownership patterns developed as a result of land measurement and land grants following the Ethiopian conquest of the region in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. After conquest, officials divided southern land equally among the state, the church, and the indigenous population.  Warlords who administered the occupied regions received the state's share. They, in turn, redistributed part of their share to their officers and soldiers. The government distributed the church's share among the church hierarchy in the same manner. Officials divided the rest between the traditional leaders ( balabats ) and the indigenous people.  Thus, the loss of two-thirds of the land to the new landlords and the church made many local people tenants (gebbars). Tenancy in the southern provinces ranged between 65 and 80 percent of the holdings, and tenant payments to landowners averaged as high as 50 percent of the produce. In the lowland periphery and the Great Rift Valley, the traditional practice of transhumance and the allocation of pastoral land according to tribal custom remained undisturbed until after World War II.  These two areas are inhabited by pastoralists, including the Afar and Isa in eastern Eritrea, Welo, and Harerge; the Somali in the Ogaden; the Borana in Sidamo and Bale; and the Kereyu in the Great Rift Valley area of Shewa.  The pastoral social structure is based on a kinship system with strong interclan connections; grazing and water rights are regulated by custom. Until the l950s, this pastoral life remained largely undisturbed by the highlanders, who intensely disliked the hot and humid lowland climate and feared malaria.  Beginning in the l950s, however, the malaria eradication programs made irrigation agriculture in these areas possible. The government's desire to promote such agriculture, combined with its policy of creating new tax revenues, created pressure on many pastoralists, especially the Afar and the Arsi (a division of the Oromo).  Major concessionaires, such as the Tendaho Cotton Plantation (managed until the 1974 revolution by the British firm Mitchell Cotts) and the Wonji Sugar Plantation (managed by HVA, a Dutch company), acquired large tracts of traditional Afar and Arsi grazing land and converted it into large-scale commercial farms. The loss of grazing land to these concessions significantly affected traditional migration patterns for grazing and water. In the northern and southern parts of Ethiopia, peasant farmers lacked the means to improve production because of the fragmentation of holdings, a lack of credit, and the absence of modern facilities. Particularly in the south, the insecurity of tenure and high rents killed the peasants' incentive to improve production. By the mid-l960s, many sectors of Ethiopian society favored land reform. University students led the land reform movement and campaigned against the government's reluctance to introduce land reform programs and the lack of commitment to integrated rural development.  By l974 it was clear that the archaic land tenure system was one of the major factors responsible for the backward condition of Ethiopia's agriculture and the onset of the revolution. On March 4, l975, the Derg announced its land reform program.  The government nationalized rural land without compensation, abolished tenancy, forbade the hiring of wage labor on private farms, ordered all commercial farms to remain under state control, and granted each peasant family so-called "possessing rights" to a plot of land not to exceed ten hectares. Tenant farmers in southern Ethiopia, where the average tenancy was as high as 55 percent and rural elites exploited farmers, welcomed the land reform.  But in the northern highlands, where communal ownership (rist) dominated and large holdings and tenancy were exceptions, many people resisted land reform.  Despite the special provision for communal areas (Article l9 of the proclamation gave peasants in the communal areas "possessing rights" to the land they were tilling at the time of the proclamation) and the PMAC's efforts to reassure farmers that land reform would not affect them negatively, northerners remained suspicious of the new government's intentions.  The reform held no promise of gain for most northerners; rather, many northern farmers perceived land reform as an attack on their rights to rist land. Resistance intensified when zemecha members campaigned for collectivization of land and oxen. Land reform had the least impact on the lowland peripheries, where nomads traditionally maintained their claims over grazing lands. The new proclamation gave them rights of possession to land they used for grazing.  Therefore, the nomads did not perceive the new program as a threat. However, in the Afar area of the lower Awash Valley, where large-scale commercial estates had thrived, there was opposition to land reform, led mainly by tribal leaders (and large landowners), such as Ali Mirah, the sultan of Aussa. The land reform destroyed the feudal order; changed landowning patterns, particularly in the south, in favor of peasants and small landowners; and provided the opportunity for peasants to participate in local matters by permitting them to form associations. However, problems associated with declining agricultural productivity and poor farming techniques still were prevalent. Government attempts to implement land reform also created problems related to land fragmentation, insecurity of tenure, and shortages of farm inputs and tools.  Peasant associations often were periodically compelled to redistribute land to accommodate young families or new households moving into their area.  The process meant not only smaller farms but also the fragmentation of holdings, which were often scattered into small plots to give families land of comparable quality.  Consequently, individual holdings were frequently far smaller than the permitted maximum allotment of ten hectares. A l979 study showed that around Addis Ababa individual holdings ranged from l.0 to l.6 hectares and that about 48 percent of the parcels were less than one-fourth of a hectare in size.  Another study, of Dejen awraja (subregion) in Gojam, found that land fragmentation had been exacerbated since the revolution. For example, during the pre-reform period, sixty-one out of 200 farmer respondents owned three or four parcels of land; after the reform, the corresponding number was 135 farmers. The second problem related to security of tenure, which was threatened by increasing pressure to redistribute land and to collectivize farms. Many peasants were reluctant to improve their land because they were afraid that they would not receive adequate compensation for upgrades.  The third problem developed as a result of the military government's failure to provide farmers with basic items like seeds, oxen, and fertilizer. For instance, one study of four communities in different parts of Ethiopia found that up to 50 percent of the peasants in some areas lacked oxen and about 40 percent did not have plows. Ethiopia - Government Rural Programs In l984 the founding congress of the Workers' Party of Ethiopia (WPE) emphasized the need for a coordinated strategy based on socialist principles to accelerate agricultural development. To implement this strategy, the government relied on peasant associations and rural development, cooperatives and state farms, resettlement and villagization, increased food production, and a new marketing policy. Peasant Associations and Rural Devlopment Articles 8 and l0 of the l975 Land Reform Proclamation required that peasants be organized into a hierarchy of associations that would facilitate the implementation of rural development programs and policies.  Accordingly, after the land reform announcement, the government mobilized more than 60,000 students to organize peasants into associations. By the end of l987, there were 20,367 peasant associations with a membership of 5.7 million farmers. Each association covered an area of 800 hectares, and members included tenants, landless laborers, and landowners holding fewer than ten hectares.  Former landowners who had held more than ten hectares of land could join an association only after the completion of land redistribution. An umbrella organization known as the All-Ethiopia Peasants' Association (AEPA) represented local associations.  Peasant associations assumed a wide range of responsibilities, including implementation of government land use directives; adjudication of land disputes; encouragement of development programs, such as water and land conservation; construction of schools, clinics, and cooperatives; organization of defense squads; and tax collection.  Peasant associations also became involved in organizing forestry programs, local service and production cooperatives, road construction, and data collection projects, such as the l984 census. Ethiopia - Cooperatives and State Farms Starting in l976, the government encouraged farmers to form cooperatives. Between l978 and l98l, the PMAC issued a series of proclamations and directives outlining procedures for the formation of service cooperatives and producers' cooperatives.  Service cooperatives provided basic services, such as the sale of farm inputs and consumer items that were often rationed, the provision of loans, the education of peasant association members in socialist philosophy, and the promotion of cottage industries. The producers' cooperatives alleviated shortages of inputs (because farmers could pool resources) and problems associated with the fragmentation of landholdings. The government ordered the creation of these cooperatives because of its belief that small farmers were inefficient and were unable to take advantage of economies of scale. The producers' cooperatives developed in three stages. The first stage was the melba, an elementary type of cooperative that required members to pool land (with the exception of plots of up to 2,000 square meters, which could be set aside for private use) and to share oxen and farm implements.  The second stage, welba, required members to transfer their resources to the cooperative and reduce private plots to l,000 square meters.  The third stage, the weland, abolished private land use and established advanced forms of cooperatives, whose goal was to use mechanized farming with members organized into production brigades. Under this system, income would be distributed based on labor contributions. The government provided a number of inducements to producers' cooperatives, including priority for credits, fertilizers, improved seed, and access to consumer items and building materials. According to the ten-year plan, more than half of the country's cultivated land would be organized into producers' cooperatives by l994. Despite the incentives, farmers responded less than enthusiastically. Farmers saw the move to form cooperatives as a prelude to the destruction of their "family farms." By l985/86 there were only 2,323 producers' cooperatives, of which only 255 were registered. Some critics argued that the resistance of farmers caused the government to formulate its resettlement and villagization programs. A major component of the government's agricultural policy since the l974 revolution has been the development of largescale state farms. After the l975 land reform, the Derg converted a majority of the estimated 75,000 hectares of large, commercial farms owned by individuals and cooperatives into state farms. Since then, the government has expanded the size of state farms.  In l987/88 there were about 2l6,000 hectares of state farmland, accounting for 3.3 percent of the total cultivated area. The ten-year plan indicated that state farms would be expanded to 468,000 hectares by l994, accounting for 6.4 percent of the cultivated land. The primary motive for the expansion of state farms was the desire to reverse the drop in food production that has continued since the revolution. After the l975 land reform, peasants began withholding grain from the market to drive up prices because government price-control measures had created shortages of consumer items such as coffee, cooking oil, salt, and sugar.  Additionally, increased peasant consumption caused shortages of food items such as teff, wheat, corn, and other grains in urban areas. The problem became so serious that Mengistu lashed out against the individual and petit burgeois tendencies of the peasantry and their capitalist mentality on the occasion of the fourth anniversary of military rule in September l978.  Mengistu and his advisers believed that state farms would produce grain for urban areas and raw materials for domestic industry and would also increase production of cash crops such as coffee to generate badly needed foreign exchange.  Accordingly, state farms received a large share of the country's resources for agriculture; from 1982 to 1990, this totaled about 43 percent of the government's agricultural investment. In l983 state farms received 76 percent of the total allocation of chemical fertilizers, 95 percent of the improved seeds, and 8l percent of agricultural credit. In terms of subsidies, between l982/83 and l985/86 the various state farm corporations received more than 90 million birr in direct subsidies.  Despite the emphasis on state farms, state farm production accounted for only 6 percent of total agricultural output in l987 (although meeting 65 percent of urban needs), leaving peasant farmers responsible for over 90 percent of production. The stress on large-scale state farms was under attack by Western donors, who channeled their agricultural aid to the peasant sector. These donors maintained that experiences elsewhere in Africa and in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union had shown that state farms were inefficient and a drain on scare resources. Ethiopia - Resettlement and Villagization The policy of encouraging voluntary resettlement went back to 1958, when the government established the first known planned resettlement in Sidamo. Shortly after the 1974 revolution, it became Derg policy to accelerate resettlement. Article l8 of the l975 Land Reform Proclamation stated that "the government shall have the responsibility to settle peasants or to establish cottage industries to accommodate those who, as a result of distribution of land . . . remain with little or no land."  Accordingly, in l975/76 there were eighty-eight settlement centers accommodating 38,8l8 households. The government conducted most of these resettlement programs under the auspices of the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC) and the Ministry of Agriculture. By l982 there were ll2 planned settlements populated by more than l20,000 people.  The settlements were concentrated mainly in the south and southwest. In l984 Addis Ababa announced its intention to resettle l.5 million people from the drought-affected northern regions to the south and southwest, where arable land was plentiful. By l986 the government had resettled more than 600,000 people to three settlement areas. More than 250,000 went to Welega; about l50,000 settled in the Gambela area of Ilubabor; and just over l00,000 went to Pawe, the largest planned resettlement in Gojam and largely sustained by Italian financial support. In addition, another 78,000 went to Kefa, Shewa, and western Gonder. In mid-l986 the government halted the resettlement program, largely to fend off the negative reaction from the international community. But in November l987 the program resumed, and in March l988 Mengistu spoke of the need to move at least 7 million people.  He claimed resettlement would resolve the country's recurring drought problem and would ease population pressure from northern areas where the land had been badly overused.  Western donors and governments, whom Addis Ababa expected to help with the program, remained apprehensive of the government's intentions, however. Some believed that the plan to resettle l.5 million people by l994 was unrealistic, given the country's strained finances. Others argued that resettlement was a ploy to depopulate areas of resistance, weaken the guerrillas' support base, and deny them access to recruits, particularly in Eritrea and Tigray.  Additional arguments against resettlement included charges of human rights violations, forced separations of families, and lack of medical attention in resettlement centers, which resulted in thousands of deaths from malaria and sleeping sickness. Although many of these charges were valid, some criticisms may have been unfounded. For instance, the claim that the resettlement was a ploy to depopulate the rebel areas may not have been valid, given that by 1986 only l5 percent of the 600,000 resettled peasants were from Tigray and none were from Eritrea. More than 80 percent of those resettled were from Welo and Shewa. In l985 the government initiated a new relocation program known as villagization. The objectives of the program, which grouped scattered farming communities throughout the country into small village clusters, were to promote rational land use; conserve resources; provide access to clean water and to health and education services; and strengthen security. Government guidelines stipulated that villages were to house 200 to 300 households, with l00-square-meter compounds for each family. In 1985 Addis Ababa established a national coordinating committee to oversee the villagization plan's implementation. By March l986, about 4.6 million people in Shewa, Arsi, and Harerge had been relocated into more than 4,500 villages. Although the government had villagized about l3 million people by l989, international criticism, deteriorating security conditions, and lack of resources doomed the plan to failure. Nevertheless, Mengistu remained committed to the villagization concept. Opponents of villagization argued that the scheme was disruptive to agricultural production because the government moved many farmers during the planting and harvesting seasons.  There also was concern that villagization could have a negative impact on fragile local resources, particularly on water and grazing land; accelerate the spread of communicable diseases; and increase problems with plant pests and diseases.  In early 1990, the government essentially abandoned villagization when it announced new economic policies that called for free-market reforms and a relaxation of centralized planning. Ethiopia - Agricultural Production The effect of the PMAC's land reform program on food production and its marketing and distribution policies were among two of the major controversies surrounding the revolution. Available data on crop production show that land reform and the various government rural programs had a minimal impact on increasing the food supply, as production levels displayed considerable fluctuations and low growth rates at best. Major Cash Crops The most important cash crop in Ethiopia was coffee. During the l970s, coffee exports accounted for 50 to 60 percent of the total value of all exports, although coffee's share dropped to 25 percent as a result of the economic dislocation following the l974 revolution.  By l976 coffee exports had recovered, and in the five years ending in l988/89, coffee accounted for about 63 percent of the value of exports. Domestically, coffee contributed about 20 percent of the government's revenue. Approximately 25 percent of Ethiopia's population depended directly or indirectly on coffee for its livelihood. Ethiopia's coffee is almost exclusively of the arabica type, which grows best at altitudes between l,000 and 2,000 meters. Coffee grows wild in many parts of the country, although most Ethiopian coffee is produced in the southern and western regions of Kefa, Sidamo, Ilubabor, Gamo Gofa, Welega, and Harerge. Reliable estimates of coffee production in Ethiopia were unavailable as of mid-1991. However, some observers indicated that Ethiopia produced between l40,000 and l80,000 tons annually. The Ethiopian government placed coffee production at l87,000 tons in l979/80, 233,000 tons in l983/84, and l72,000 tons in l985/86.  Estimates for l986/87 and l987/88 were put at l86,000 and l89,000 tons, respectively. Preliminary figures from other sources indicated that coffee production continued to rise in 1988/89 and 1989/90 but registered a sharp decline of perhaps as much as one-third during 1990/91. About 44 percent of the coffee produced was exported. Although the potential for local coffee consumption was high, the government, eager to increase its hard-currency reserves, suppressed domestic consumption by controlling coffee sales.  The government also restricted the transfer of coffee from coffee-producing areas to other parts of the country. This practice made the price of local coffee two to three times higher than the price of exported coffee.