ETHIOPIA 2012 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Ethiopia is a federal republic. On August 20, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi died.
The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) elected
then deputy prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn to take Meles’s place as
chairman of the party. The EPRDF subsequently nominated him for the post of
prime minister. On September 21, parliament elected Hailemariam as prime
minister. In national parliamentary elections in 2010, the EPRDF and affiliated
parties won 545 of 547 seats to remain in power for a fourth consecutive five-year
term. Although the relatively few international officials allowed to observe the
elections concluded technical aspects of the vote were handled competently, some
also noted that an environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place
prior to the election.
Security forces generally reported to civilian authorities; however, there were
instances in which special police and local militias acted independently of civilian
control.

The most significant human rights problems included restrictions on freedom of
expression and association through politically motivated trials and convictions of
opposition political figures, activists, journalists, and bloggers, as well as increased
restrictions on print media. In July security forces used force against and arrested
Muslims who protested against alleged government interference in religious
affairs. The government continued restrictions on civil society and
nongovernmental organization (NGO) activities imposed by the Charities and
Societies Proclamation (CSO law).
Other human rights problems included arbitrary killings; allegations of torture,
beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees by security forces; reports of harsh
and at times life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention;
detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; a weak, overburdened
judiciary subject to political influence; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights,
including illegal searches; allegations of abuses in the implementation of the
government’s “villagization” program; restrictions on academic freedom;
restrictions on freedom of assembly, association, and movement; alleged
interference in religious affairs; limits on citizens’ ability to change their
government; police, administrative, and judicial corruption; violence and societal
discrimination against women and abuse of children; female genital ETHIOPIA
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mutilation/cutting (FGM/C); exploitation of children for economic and sexual
purposes; trafficking in persons; societal discrimination against persons with
disabilities; clashes between ethnic minorities; discrimination against persons
based on their sexual orientation and against persons with HIV/AIDS; limits on
worker rights; forced labor; and child labor, including forced child labor.
Impunity was a problem. The government, with some reported exceptions,
generally did not take steps to prosecute or otherwise punish officials who
committed abuses other than corruption.
Factions of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an ethnically based,
violent, and fragmented separatist group operating in the Somali Region, were
responsible for abuses. Members of the separatist Afar Revolutionary Democratic
Union Front (ARDUF) claimed responsibility for a January attack on a group of
foreign tourists in the Afar Region.
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
Members of the security forces committed killings and used lethal force to quell
protests (see section 2.b.). During the year, scattered fighting continued between
government forces, primarily regional government-backed militia, and residual
elements of the ONLF. Also, clashes between ethnic groups during the year
resulted in 100 to 150 deaths (see section 6).
Ethiopian security forces reportedly killed as many as six persons in retaliation for
an April 28 attack by armed gunmen that killed at least five persons and injured
numerous others at the Saudi Star compound in the Gambella Region.
On February 12, members of the Somali Region Special Police allegedly opened
fire on a local assembly in the Ogaden area of the Somali Region, killing 20
persons. The villagers reportedly were gathered to discuss the murder of a village
elder the previous day. Many others were detained during the same incident.
Members of the ARDUF claimed responsibility for a January 18 attack on a group
of foreign tourists in the Afar Region. The attack resulted in the deaths of five
Europeans and the kidnapping of two Europeans and two Ethiopians. The
kidnapped Europeans later were released; the whereabouts and well-being of the
Ethiopian hostages remained unknown at year’s end.ETHIOPIA
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b. Disappearance
There was a reported case of a politically motivated disappearance of two persons
in which security officials detained opposition activists and held them temporarily
incommunicado.
On June 15, in the North Gondar area ofthe Amhara Region, federal police
reportedly arrested Meles Ashire, deputy chairman of the opposition All Ethiopia
Unity Party (AEUP) forthe Chilga District, and Tadlo Tefera, an AEUP executive
member for the North Gondar zone. Following their arrest, Meles and Tadlo’s
whereabouts were reportedly unknown; however, authorities released themin
August.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment
The constitution and law prohibit such practices; however, there were numerous
reports security officials tortured and otherwise abused detainees.
Authorities reportedly tortured Ahmedin Jebel, an editor and a columnist with
Muslim Affairs magazine (see section 2.a.).
In 2010 the UN Committee Against Torture reported it was “deeply concerned”
about “numerous, ongoing, and consistent allegations” concerning “the routine use
of torture” by police, prison officers, and other members of the security forces--
including the military--against political dissidents and opposition party members,
students, alleged terrorists, and alleged supporters of violent separatist groups like
the ONLF and the Oromo Liberation Front(OLF). The committee reported that
such acts frequently occurred with the participation of, at the instigation of, or with
the consent of commanding officers in police stations, detention centers, federal
prisons, military bases, and unofficial or secret places of detention. Some reports
of such abuses continued during the year.
Sources widely believed police investigators often used physical abuse to extract
confessions in Maekelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis
Ababa. Authorities continued to restrict access by diplomats and NGOs to
Maekelawi.ETHIOPIA
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According to a Human Rights Watch report, soldiers arbitrarily arrested and raped
persons following the April 28 attack by armed gunmen at the Saudi Star
compound in the Gambella Region (see section 1.a). There was no additional
reporting to corroborate the report of rape.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions
Prison and pretrial detention center conditions remained harsh and in some cases
life threatening. There were numerous reports of authorities beating prisoners.
Medical attention following beatings reportedly was insufficient in some cases.
Physical Conditions: As of September there were 70,000-80,000 persons in prison,
of whom approximately 2,500 were women and nearly 600 were children
incarcerated with their mothers. Juveniles sometimes were incarcerated with
adults, and small children were sometimes incarcerated with their mothers. Male
and female prisoners generally were separated.
Severe overcrowding was common, especially in sleeping quarters. The
government provided approximately eight birr ($0.44) per prisoner per day for
food, water, and health care. Many prisoners supplemented this amount with daily
food deliveries from family members or by purchasing food from local vendors,
although there were reports of some prisoners being prevented from receiving
supplemental food from their families. Medical care was unreliable in federal
prisons and almost nonexistent in regional prisons. Prisoners had limited access to
potable water, as did many in the country. Also, water shortages caused
unhygienic conditions, and most prisons lacked appropriate sanitary facilities.
Many prisoners had serious health problems in detention but received little
treatment. Information released by the Ministry of Health during the year
reportedly stated nearly 62 percent of inmates in various jails across the country
suffered from mental health problems as a result of solitary confinement,
overcrowding, and lack of adequate health care facilities and services.
The country has six federal and 120 regional prisons. There also are many
unofficial detention centers throughout the country, including in Dedessa, Bir
Sheleko, Tolay, Hormat, Blate, Tatek, Jijiga, Holeta, and Senkele. Most are
located at military camps.
Pretrial detention often takes place in police station detention facilities, where the
conditions varied widely. Reports regarding pretrial detention in police stations ETHIOPIA
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indicated poor hygiene, lack of access to visitors (including family members and
legal counsel), and police abuse of detainees.
Administration: It was difficult to determine if recordkeeping was adequate due to
the lack of transparency regarding incarceration. Authorities did not employ
alternative sentencing for nonviolent offenders. Prisons did not have
ombudspersons to respond to complaints. Legal aid clinics existed in some prisons
for the benefit of prisoners. Authorities generally permitted visitors. In some
cases family visits to prisoners were restricted to a few per year. Family members
of prisoners charged with terrorist activity alleged instances of blocked access to
the prisoners; there were also reports those charged with terrorist activity were
denied visits with their lawyers or representatives of the political parties to which
they belonged. Prisoners generally were permitted religious observance, but this
varied by prison, and even by section within a prison, at the discretion of prison
management. There were some allegations that while in custody, detainees were
denied adequate locations in which to pray. Prisoners were permitted to voice
complaints about prison conditions or treatment to the presiding judge during the
trial.
Monitoring: During the year the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)
visited regional prisons throughout the country. The visits occurred after a general
assessment by the government reopened the path to regular ICRC access; the
government had limited such access since 2004.
Regional authorities allowed government and NGO representatives to meet
regularly with prisoners without third parties present. The Ethiopian Human
Rights Commission (EHRC) monitored federal and regional detention centers and
interviewed prison officials and prisoners in response to allegations of widespread
human rights abuses. The domestic NGO Justice For All-Prison Fellowship
Ethiopia (JFA-PFE) was granted access to various prison and detention facilities.
Improvements: The government and prison authorities generally cooperated with
efforts of the JFA-PFE to improve prison conditions. The JFA-PFE ran model
prisons in Adama and Mekele, with significantly better conditions than those found
in other prisons. The government undertook renovations to prisons in the Tigray,
Amhara, and Oromia regions and in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and
People’s Region (SNNPR) during the year.
d. Arbitrary Arrest or DetentionETHIOPIA
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Although the constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, the
government often ignored these provisions in practice. There were multiple
reports of arbitrary arrest and detention by police and security forces.
Civilians, international NGOs, and other aid organizations operating in the Somali
Region reported government security forces, local militias, and the ONLF
committed abuses such as arbitrary arrest.
Role of the Police and Security Apparatus
The Federal Police reports to the Ministry of Federal Affairs, which is subject to
parliamentary oversight. The oversight was loose in practice. Each of the
country’s nine regions has a state or special police force that reports to the regional
civilian authorities. Local militias operated across the country in loose
coordination with regional and federal police and the military, with the degree of
coordination varying by region. In many cases these militias functioned as
extensions of local EPRDF political bosses.
Security forces were effective, but impunity remained a serious problem. The
mechanisms used to investigate abuses by the federal police were not known.
Numerous complaints of human rights abuses were lodged against the Somali
Region Special Police. Several of its members reportedly were arrested for acts of
indiscipline. The government rarely publicly disclosed the results of investigations
into abuses by local security forces, such as arbitrary detention and beatings of
civilians.
The government continued its efforts to provide human rights training for police
and army recruits. During the year the government continued to accept assistance
from the JFA-PFE and the EHRC to improve and professionalize its human rights
training and curriculum by including more material on the constitution and
international human rights treaties and conventions. The JFA-PFE and the EHRC
conducted human rights training for police commissioners, prosecutors, judges,
prison administrators, and militia in Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, Afar, SNNPR,
Gambella, and Addis Ababa.
Arrest Procedures and Treatment While in Detention
Although the constitution and law require detainees be brought to court and
charged within 48 hours of arrest, sometimes this requirement was not respected in
practice. With court approval, persons suspected of serious offenses can be ETHIOPIA
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detained for 14 days without being charged and for additional 14-day periods if an
investigation continues. Under the antiterrorism proclamation, police may request
to hold persons without charge for 28-day periods, up to a maximum of four
months, while an investigation is conducted. The law prohibits detention in any
facility other than an official detention center; however, local militias and other
formal and informal law enforcement entities used dozens of unofficial local
detention centers.
A functioning bail system wasin place. Bail was not available for murder, treason,
and corruption. In one high-profile case, a judge denied bail for Feteh editorin
chief Temesgen Dessalegn due to concerns the defendant might continue to write
articles offending the government if he was released. The judge also based the
denial on concerns he posed a flight risk, although he had been free for more than a
month during the pretrial phase. Authorities dropped the charges against him on
August 28 (see section 2.a.); they reopened the case in December, and it continued
at year’s end. In most cases authorities set bail between 500 and 10,000 birr ($28
and $550), which was not affordable for most citizens. Police officials did not
always respect court orders to release suspects on bail. The government provided
public defenders for detainees unable to afford private legal counsel, but only when
their cases went to court. While detainees were in pretrial detention, authorities
sometimes allowed themlittle or no contact with legal counsel, did not provide full
information on their health status, and did not provide for family visits.
Arbitrary Arrest: Authorities regularly detained persons without warrants and
denied access to counsel and in some cases to family members, particularly in
outlying regions.
Pretrial Detention: Some detainees reported being held for several years without
being charged and without trial. Trial delays were most often caused by lengthy
legal procedures, the large numbers of detainees, judicial inefficiency, and staffing
shortages.
Amnesty: On September 11, in keeping with a long-standing tradition of issuing
pardons at the Ethiopian New Year, the federal government pardoned 1,993
prisoners. Regional governments also pardoned persons during the year. For
example, the SNNPR regional government pardoned 5,395 prisoners, the Oromia
regional government pardoned 4,700 prisoners, and the Amhara regional
government pardoned 2,607 prisoners.
e. Denial of Fair Public TrialETHIOPIA
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The law provides for an independent judiciary. Although the civil courts operated
with a large degree of independence, the criminal courts remained weak,
overburdened, and subject to political influence. The constitution recognizes both
religious and traditional or customary courts.
Trial Procedures
By law accused persons have the right to a fair public trial by a court of law within
a “reasonable time,” a presumption of innocence, the right to be represented by
legal counsel of their choice, and the right to appeal. The law gives defendants the
right to present witnesses and evidence in their defense, cross-examine prosecution
witnesses, and access government-held evidence. In practice the government did
not always allow defendants the right of access to evidence it held. The court
system does not use jury trials. Judicial inefficiency and lack of qualified staff
often resulted in serious delays in trial proceedings and made the application of the
law unpredictable. The government continued to train lower court judges and
prosecutors and made effective judicial administration the primary focus of this
training. Defendants were often unaware of the specific charges against them until
the commencement of the trial; this also caused defense attorneysto be unprepared
to provide adequate defense.
The Public Defender’s Office provided legal counsel to indigent defendants,
although its scope and quality of service remained limited due to the shortage of
attorneys. Numerous free legal aid clinics around the country, based primarily at
universities, provided advice to clients. In certain areas of the country regional
legislative bodies passed laws allowing volunteers, such as law students and
professors, to represent clients in court on a pro bono basis.
During the year the government concluded trials against 31 persons who had been
charged with terrorist activities under the antiterrorism proclamation. These trials
included cases against12 journalists, opposition political figures, and activists
based in the country, as well as an Ethiopian employee of the UN. All were found
guilty. Eighteen persons living abroad were convicted in absentia. The
government also invoked the antiterrorism proclamation in charging 28 Muslims
identified with protests and one Muslim accused of accepting funds illegally from
a foreign embassy. Several international human rights organizations and foreign
diplomatic missions raised concerns over the conduct of the trials. Observers
found the evidence presented at trials to be either open to interpretation or
indicative of acts of a political nature rather than linked to terrorism. Human rights ETHIOPIA
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groups also noted the law’s broad definition of terrorism, as well as its severe
penalties, its broad rules of evidence, and the discretionary powers afforded police
and security forces.
In some sensitive cases deemed to involve matters of national security, notably the
high-profile trials of activists in the Muslim community, detainees stated
authorities initially denied them the right to see attorneys. The trial ofthe 28
Muslims identified with protests and one Muslim accused of accepting funds
illegally from a foreign embassy was not fully open to family and supporters,
although it wasinitially open to the press and diplomats. The trial of 11 persons
(including six personsin absentia) charged on May 19 with being members of the
terrorist organizations al-Qa’ida and al-Shabaab was not open to the public.
Many citizens residing in rural areas generally had little access to formal judicial
systems and relied on traditional mechanisms of resolving conflict. By law all
parties to a dispute must agree to use a traditional or religious court before such a
court may hear a case, and either party can appeal to a regular court at any time.
Sharia (Islamic law) courts may hear religious and family cases involving
Muslims. Sharia courts received some funding from the government and
adjudicated the majority of casesin the Somali and Afar regions, which are
predominantly Muslim. In addition other traditional systems of justice, such as
councils of elders, continued to function. Some women stated they lacked access
to free and fair hearings in the traditional justice system because they were
excluded by custom from participation in councils of elders and because there was
strong gender discrimination in rural areas.
Political Prisoners and Detainees
Estimates by human rights groups and diplomatic missions regarding the number
of political prisoners varied. Domestic and international NGOs estimated there
were up to 400 political prisoners and detainees at year’s end. The government did
not permit access by international human rights organizations.
Twelve of the journalists, opposition members, and activists convicted under the
antiterrorism proclamation during the year remained in prison. Several
international human rights organizations and foreign diplomatic missions raised
concerns about the conduct of the trials.
On January 19, a court convicted journalists Woubishet Taye and Reyot Alemu
and opposition figure Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher Tadesse on terrorism charges. It ETHIOPIA
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also convicted Hirut Kifle Woldeyesus, who denied the prosecution’s claim she
was an opposition political figure. Journalist and blogger Elias Kifle was tried and
convicted in absentia in the same case. On January 26, Woubishet and Reyot were
each sentenced to 14 years in prison, while the other two defendants present
received sentences of 17 and 19 years. Reyot appealed her case to the Supreme
Court, which later overturned two of the three charges and reduced her sentence to
five years. She subsequently appealed the Supreme Court’s decision to the Court
of Cassation, arguing a fundamental error of law had been made in her trial. The
other defendants chose not to appeal.
On June 27, the Federal High Court found journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega,
vice chairman of the opposition front Medrek Andualem Arage, and Unity for
Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ) official Natnael Mekonnen guilty on all counts
of terrorism and treason. On July 13, Eskinder and Natnael were each sentenced to
18 years in prison, while Andualem received a life sentence. Eskinder and
Andualem appealed their conviction to the Supreme Court; the case remained
ongoing at year’s end. In September the government announced it had asked the
Federal High Court to freeze the assets of Eskinder and Andualem while
investigating whether their assets had been used in conjunction with the
commission of the crimes for which they were convicted. Court proceedings
regarding the assets also remained ongoing at year’s end.
Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa, two well-known political opposition figures from
the Oromo ethnic group, as well as seven other individuals, were convicted under
the criminal code of conspiracy to overthrow the government and incite unrest.
Bekele was sentenced to eight years in prison; Olbana was sentenced to 13 years.
A separate trial of 69 members of Oromo political opposition parties, charged in
2011 under the criminal code with “attacking the political or territorial integrity of
the state,” remained ongoing at year’s end.
Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies
The law provides citizens the right to appeal human rights violations in civil court;
No such cases were filed during the year.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The law requires authoritiesto obtain judicial warrants to search private property;
in practice police often ignored the law, and there were no records of courts ETHIOPIA
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excluding evidence found without warrants. Opposition political party leaders
reported suspicions of telephone tapping and other electronic eavesdropping.
The government reportedly used a widespread system of paid informants to report
on the activities of particular individuals. During the year opposition members
reported ruling party operatives and militia members made intimidating and
unwelcome visits to their homes.
Security forces continued to detain family members of persons sought for
questioning by the government. There were reports unemployed youths who were
not affiliated with the ruling coalition sometimes had trouble receiving the
“support letters” from their kebeles (neighborhoods or wards) necessary to get
jobs.
The government interfered with citizens’ family rights. Medical abuses to
facilitate international adoption were documented. This included the diagnosis of
new mothers as mentally unfit by unqualified medical professionals and the
subsequent forced relinquishment of children.
The national government and regional governments continued to put in place
“villagization” plans in the Afar, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella, SNNPR, and
Somali regions. These plans involved the relocation of scattered rural populations
from arid or semiarid lands vulnerable to recurring droughts into designated
clusters by regional governments. The stated purposes of villagization are to
improve the provision of government services (i.e., health care, education, and
clean water), protect vulnerable communities from natural disasters and attacks,
and change environmentally destructive patterns of shifting cultivation. Some
observersstated the purpose was to enable the large-scale leasing of land for
commercial agriculture, a claim the government denied. The government
described the villagization program as strictly voluntary.
Assessments by international donors continued to find no systematic evidence of
human rights violationsin this program. They did find problems such as delays in
establishing promised infrastructure from rushed program implementation.
Communities and individual families appeared to have agreed to move based on
assurances from authorities of food aid, services, and land, although in some
instances communities moved before adequate basic services and shelter were in
place in the new locations. For example, an early August visit to a site in South
Omo in the SNNPR suggested the process was voluntary but found that promised
infrastructure,such as access to water, education, and healthcare, were not in place ETHIOPIA
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by the time persons moved. A subsequent October visit to the same site revealed
improved conditions, including installation of a water pump, a newly built school,
and a health services tent stocked by UNICEF. A January Human Rights Watch
report that drew upon information gathered in 2011 characterized the process as
“far from voluntary.” The report described a process in which security forces and
local militia attended meetings with those communities that initially had indicated
they did not want to move and later went with villagers to the new locations, where
they oversaw the construction of tukuls (traditional huts) by the villagers.
According to the report, security forces beat (sometimes to death), threatened,
arrested without charge, and detained persons who were critical of the planned
villagization of their communities. Additional Human Rights Watch reporting
stated the government harassed, mistreated, and arbitrarily arrested persons in
South Omo in order to clear or prepare land for commercial agriculture;
development partners did not find evidence to support this claim during visits.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
Status of Freedom of Speech and Press
The constitution and law provide for freedom of speech and press; however,
authorities arrested, detained, and convicted journalists and other persons whom
they perceived as critical of the government.
Freedom of Speech: Authorities arrested and harassed persons for criticizing the
government. The government attempted to impede criticism through various forms
of intimidation, including detention of journalists and opposition activists and
monitoring and interference in the activities of political opposition groups. Some
villagers continued to report local authorities threatened retaliation against anyone
who reported abuses by security forces.
In July authorities charged Jemal Kedir with “fomenting dissent, arousing hatred,
and stirring up acts of political, racial, or religious disturbances” for sending text
messages on his cell phone stating “Allahu Akbar, seventeen times our voice
should be heard and prisoners who are in jail should be released.” He was also
charged with sending messages claiming police had prevented Muslims from
entering the Grand Anwar Mosque in Addis Ababa, calling for additional protests,
and calling for a boycott of the elections to the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme
Council (EIASC) until detainees were released. On September 13, a court found ETHIOPIA
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him guilty. The judge referred to the crime as “rumor mongering with his cell
phone,” and sentenced him to one year in prison.
In October police arrested seven individuals after they gave radio interviews
regarding reported land grabs in Lega Tofo in the Oromia Region. The individuals
stated they were forced off their land without adequate compensation. The police
later released them.
Freedom of Press: Ethio-Channel, Negadras, Feteh, and two Muslim newspapers
closed due to government pressure. The remaining 15 newspapers had a combined
weekly circulation in Addis Ababa of more than 100,000, down from 150,000 in
2011. Most newspapers were printed on a weekly or biweekly basis, with the
exception of the state-owned Amharic and English dailies.
The government controlled the only television station that broadcast nationally,
which, along with radio, was the primary source of news for much of the
population. Three private FM radio stations broadcast in the capital city, and at
least 13 community radio stations broadcast in the regions. State-run Ethiopian
Radio has the largest reach in the country, followed by Fana Radio, which is
affiliated with the ruling party.
Government-controlled media closely reflected the views of the government and
the ruling EPRDF. The government periodically jammed foreign broadcasts,
including afterthe death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. The broadcasting law
prohibits political and religious organizations and foreigners from owning
broadcast stations. The investment law also prohibits foreigners from owning
broadcast stations.
Violence and Harassment: The government continued to arrest, harass, and
prosecute journalists. Several UN special rapporteurs and the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights expressed concern about the government’s use of
the antiterrorismproclamation against journalists and opposition members.
On August 9, the Ministry of Justice filed three charges against Feteh editorin
chief Temesgen Dessalegn. These charges included inciting and agitating the
country’s youth to engage in violence, defamation of government, and
destabilizing the public by spreading false reports, based on articles published
between December 2011 and August. Temesgen was detained on August 23, but
the charges were dropped on August 28 and he was released the same day. The ETHIOPIA
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government reopened its case against Temesgen on December 11, and the case
remained ongoing at year’s end.
On July 20, authorities arrested Muslim Affairs editor Yusuf Getachew and Muslim
Affairs columnist Ahmedin Jebel. Ahmedin Jebel reportedly was tortured. At
year’s end, they remained imprisoned along with 27 other Muslim activists
accused of terrorist activity.
Also in July two editors from Muslim Affairs, Akmel Negash and Yishak Eshetu,
left the country, citing fear of arrest. After these arrests and departures, the
publication ceased operation.
Courts found journalists Woubishet Taye, Reyot Alemu, and Eskinder Nega, who
were arrested in 2011, as well as six journalists/bloggers tried in absentia, guilty of
charges under the antiterrorism proclamation in separate cases (see section 1.e.).
Censorship or Content Restrictions: Government harassment of journalists caused
them to avoid reporting on sensitive topics. Many private newspapers reported
informal editorial control by the government through article placement requests
and calls from government officials concerning articles perceived as critical of the
government. Private sector and government journalists routinely practiced selfcensorship.
In April the state-run Berhanena Selam Printing Press, which accounted for
approximately 90 percent of newspaper printing in the country, instituted a new
standard printing contract with its private publisher clients. The contract stipulated
the printing press had the right to refuse to print newspapers containing material
deemed “illegal.” Editors of privately owned newspapers refused to sign the
contract, deeming it censorship and in violation of the constitutional protection of
press freedom. Berhanena Selam stopped printing publications that did not sign
the updated contract.
On July 20, the Ministry of Justice banned the distribution of that week’s issue of
the Feteh newspaper via court order. Reports indicated the ban was based on the
issue’s contents--which authorities deemed objectionable and sensitive--which
dealt with the late prime minister’s health and the ongoing protests by some
members of the Muslim community. Although the Ministry of Justice issued no
further injunctions, Berhanena Selam refused to print subsequent issues of Feteh.ETHIOPIA
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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
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Berhanena Selam refused to print the August 31 edition of Finote Netsanet, the
newspaper of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party, one of the largest
opposition political parties, citing complaints filed against the newspaper by the
public related to coverage of the death of the prime minister in the previous issue.
In SeptemberBerhanena Selam refused to print the UDJ newspaper, claiming the
printer was too busy to do the work. The newspaper resumed publication in
October after reaching an agreement with a private publisher, but ceased
publication by November.
Libel Laws/National Security: The government used the antiterrorism
proclamation to suppress criticism. Journalists feared covering five groups
designated by parliament in June 2011 as terrorist organizations (Ginbot 7, the
ONLF, the OLF, al-Qaida, and al-Shabaab), citing ambiguity on whether reporting
on these groups might be punishable under the law. Several journalists, both local
and foreign correspondents, reported an increase in self-censorship.
In September the government pardoned Swedish freelancers Johan Persson and
Martin Schibbye. In December 2011 a court convicted them of rendering support
to a terrorist organization and illegally entering the country.
The government used libel laws during the year to suppress criticism.
Internet Freedom
The government restricted access to the Internet and blocked several Web sites,
including blogs, opposition Web sites, and Web sites of Ginbot 7, the OLF, and the
ONLF. The government also temporarily blocked news sites such as the
Washington Post, the Economist, and Al Jazeera, and temporarily blocked links to
foreign government reporting on human rights conditions in the country. Several
news blogs and Web sites run by opposition diaspora groups were not accessible.
These included Addis Neger, Nazret, Ethiopian Review, CyberEthiopia, Quatero
Amharic Magazine, Tensae Ethiopia, and the Ethiopian Media Forum. A foreign
government news Web site was only available periodically, although users could
generally access it via proxy sites. Authorities took steps to block access to Virtual
Private Network (VPN) providers that let users circumvent government screening
of Internet browsing and email. According to the government, 4 percent of
individuals subscribed to Internet access.
Academic Freedom and Cultural EventsETHIOPIA
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The government restricted academic freedom, including through decisions on
student enrollment, teachers’ appointments, and the curriculum. Speech,
expression, and assembly frequently were restricted on university and high school
campuses.
According to sources, the ruling party, via the Ministry of Education, continued to
give preference to students loyal to the party in assignments to postgraduate
programs. While party membership was not as common at the undergraduate
level, some university staff members commented priority for employment after
graduation in all fields was given to students who joined the party.
The government also restricted academic freedom in other ways. Authorities
limited teachers’ ability to deviate from official lesson plans. Numerous anecdotal
reports suggested non-EPRDF members were more likely to be transferred to
undesirable posts and bypassed for promotions. There were some reports of
teachers not affiliated with the EPRDF being summarily dismissed for failure to
attend nonscheduled meetings. There continued to be a lack of transparency in
academic staffing decisions, with numerous complaints from individuals in the
academic community alleging bias based on party membership, ethnicity, or
religion.
According to multiple credible sources, teachers and high school students in grade
10 and above were required to attend training on the concepts of revolutionary
democracy and EPRDF party ideology.
There were no changes to the 2010 Ministry of Education directive prohibiting
private universities from offering degree programs in law and teacher education.
The directive also requires public universities to align their curriculum offerings
with the previously announced policy of a 70-to-30 ratio between science and
social science academic programs. As a result the number of students studying
social sciences and the humanities continued to decrease and private universities
focused heavily on the social sciences. Ministry officials originally cited a need to
maintain quality standards as the reason for the directive.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Freedom of Assembly
The constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly; however, the
government restricted this right. On several occasions during the year, authorities ETHIOPIA
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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
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injured and arrested protesters who reportedly were demonstrating without a
permit. Security forces used lethal force against civilians (see section 1.a.).
Organizers of large public meetings or demonstrations must notify the government
48 hours in advance and obtain a permit. Local government officials, almost all of
whom were affiliated with the EPRDF, controlled access to municipal halls, and
there were many complaints from opposition parties local officials denied or
otherwise obstructed the scheduling of opposition parties’ use of halls for lawful
political rallies. There were numerous credible reports of owners of hotels and
other large facilities citing unspecified internal rules forbidding political parties
from utilizing their space for gatherings, for example, claiming that hotel meeting
space could only be used for weddings.
Regional governments, including the Addis Ababa regional administration, were
reluctant to grant permits or provide security for large meetings.
Beginning in late 2011 and continuing throughout much of the year,some
members of the Muslim community, alleging government interference in religious
affairs, held peaceful protests following Friday prayers at several of Addis Ababa’s
largest mosques, the Aweliya Islamic Center in Addis Ababa, and at other
locations throughout the country. Most demonstrations occurred without incident,
although some were met with arrests and alleged use of unnecessary force by
police.
In late July authorities arrested as many as 1,000 Muslim demonstrators, including
members of a self-appointed committee claiming to represent the interests of the
Muslim community,for protesting alleged government interference in religious
affairs. The majority of the protesters subsequently were released without charge.
On October 29, authorities charged 29 individuals under the Anti-Terrorism
Proclamation; 28 of the individuals were identified with the protest movement,
while one was accused of accepting funds illegally from a foreign embassy.
On October 21, in the South Wollo Zone of the Amhara Region, police and
protesters clashed during a gathering during elections for the local Islamic council.
Accounts of the event differed. One report indicated protesters threw stones at the
houses of Muslims who participated in the election. In response to the stone
throwing, police arrested the protest organizer. A crowd then marched on the
police station, demanding his release. Protestersreportedly entered the police
station by force, killing one police officer and seriously injuring another. Police
reportedly killed two protesters, including the detained protest organizer.ETHIOPIA
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United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
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Freedom of Association
Although the law provides for freedom of association and the right to engage in
unrestricted peaceful political activity, the government limited this right in
practice.
In accordance with the CSO law, anonymous donations to NGOs are not permitted.
All potential donors were therefore aware their names would be public knowledge.
The same was true concerning all donations made to political parties.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs screens registration applications from international
NGOs and submits a recommendation on whether to approve or deny registration.
c. Freedom of Religion
See the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at
www.state.gov/j/drl/irf/rpt.
d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons, Protection of
Refugees, and Stateless Persons
Although the law provides for freedom of movement within the country, foreign
travel, emigration, and repatriation, the government restricted some of these rights
in practice.
The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in providing protection
and assistance to internally displaced persons(IDPs), refugees, returning refugees,
asylum seekers,stateless persons, and other persons of concern.
In-country Movement: The government continued to relax but did not completely
remove restrictions on the movement of persons into and within the Ogaden area of
the Somali Region, continuing to argue the ONLF posed a security threat (see
section 2.d., Internally Displaced Persons). Deliveries of food and medicine were
halted temporarily in the limited areas affected by fighting due to security
concerns.
The government expanded an out-of-camp policy allowing Eritrean refugees to
live outside of a camp to all refugees. According to the Administration for ETHIOPIA
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Returnees and Refugee Affairs (ARRA), which managed the out-of-camp program,
3,412 refugees lived outside of the camps during the year, compared with 1,294 in
2011 and 723 in 2010. Prior to this policy, such permission was given primarily to
attend higher education institutions, undergo medical treatment, or avoid security
threats at the camps.
Exile: Several citizens sought political asylum in other countries or remained
abroad in self-imposed exile (see section 2.a.).
Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)
The total number of IDPs in the country during the year was not known. Many
persons who had been displaced due to conflict in the Gambella, Oromia, SNNPR,
and Somali regionsremained displaced. Drought also caused displacements during
the year.
A land rights dispute in the Bench Maji Zone of the SNNPR spurred ethnic
conflict, causing the displacement of 463 ethnic Amharas in March. These IDPs
were sent to Addis Ababa, where the government provided them with food and
essential items. Shortly after their arrival, the regional government informed the
IDPs they should return to their areas of origin--referring not to where they had
been living before being displaced, but to the Amhara Region, which their families
had left during the time of the Derg (1974-91). The regional government later
decided to relocate most of the IDPs to Tsegede in North Gondar Zone of the
Amhara Region.
Temporary displacements due to flooding were reported from parts of Amhara,
Oromia, and SNNPR between mid-July and August. Most of those displaced later
returned to their homes.
In July communal conflict in the Moyale area in the south of the country displaced
tens of thousands of persons. Following an initial response by the Federal Disaster
Risk Management and Food Security Sector (DRMFSS), Moyale town was put
under federal control while the conflict was mediated, leading to deployment of a
team from the Ministry of Federal Affairsto help coordinate the humanitarian
response. According to the results of a joint assessment conducted by the
DRMFSS and development partners, most of those displaced returned home by
early September, although some 1,000 households remained without shelter. Some
58,000 personsrequired food assistance due to the impact of the conflict, and more
than 78,000 required provision of potable water.ETHIOPIA
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012
United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
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During the year, drought caused displacements in the Somali Region, a situation
exacerbated in some cases by the continuing conflict.
The government at the federal level did not recognize IDPs as a distinct group, and
there was no specialized office charged with managing matters such as IDP
protection, return, resettlement, or durable solutions. The government did not
maintain data on IDPs. The DRMFSS, under the authority of the Ministry of
Agriculture and Rural Development, is the main government agency responsible
for emergencies, in collaboration with the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of
Water and Energy, and has responsibility for coordinating the provision of
humanitarian assistance to displaced persons.
Restrictions limiting the access of human rights organizations, the media,
humanitarian agencies, and diplomatic missions to conflict-affected areas
continued, particularly with regard to the Somali Region conflict zones of Fik,
Degahbur, Korahe, and parts of Warder. The partial relaxation of those restrictions
that began the previous year continued, with humanitarian access in the Somali
Region improving in particular. Journalists were required to register before
entering conflict regions. The government lacked a clear policy on NGO access to
sensitive areas, leading regional government officials and military officials
frequently to refer requests for access to the federal government. There were
isolated reports of regional police or local militias blocking NGOs’ access to
particular locations on particular days, citing security concerns.
Protection of Refugees
Access to Asylum: The law provides for the granting of asylum or refugee status,
and the government has established a system for providing protection to refugees.
According to the UNHCR, the country hosted 376,410 refugees at year’s end. The
majority of refugees were from Somalia (223,243), with others coming from Sudan
and South Sudan (66,177, in addition to an estimated 20,000 unregistered refugees
residing along the South Sudan-Ethiopia border), Eritrea (62,996), and other
nations(3,994), particularly Kenya. New arrivals from Somalia numbered
approximately 50,000 for the year, a significant decrease from 100,000 in 2011.
The UNHCR, the government, and humanitarian agencies continued to care for
Sudanese arrivals fleeing from conflict in Sudan’s Blue Nile State.ETHIOPIA
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2012
United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
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Eritrean asylum seekers continued to arrive at the rate of approximately 700 new
arrivals per month, according to the UNHCR. Hundreds of Eritrean refugees
reportedly departed monthly on secondary migration through Egypt and Sudan to
go to Israel, Europe, and other final destinations. The UNHCR and ARRA assisted
in the reception and transportation back to My Ayni or Adi Harush camps of
approximately 700 Eritrean refugees in 2011 and 952 during the year who had
been detained in Egypt and deported by the Egyptian authorities. The UNHCR
reported the population of unaccompanied minors who fled Eritrea into the country
was 1,200 at year’s end. Unaccompanied minors in the 15-to17-year-old age
group represented more than 75 percent of the total population of such minors.
Employment: The government does not grant refugees work permits.
Access to Basic Services: Refugees in camps were provided with schooling and
health services. For those outside of camps, there were no reports of
discrimination in access to public services.
Durable Solutions: The government granted refugee status to asylum seekersfrom
Eritrea, Somalia, South Sudan, and Sudan. The government welcomed refugees to
settle permanently in the country, but did not offer a path to citizenship. During
the year approximately 5,543 refugees departed the country for resettlement.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights:The Right of Citizens to Change Their
Government
The constitution and law provide citizens the right to change their government
peacefully. In practice the ruling party’s electoral advantages limited this right.
Elections and Political Participation
Recent Elections: On August 20, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi died. The ruling
EPRDF elected Hailemariam Desalegn, the deputy prime minister, to take Meles’s
place as chairman of the party and subsequently nominated him for the post of
prime minister. On September 21, parliament elected Hailemariam as prime
minister.
In the 2010 national parliamentary elections, the EPRDF and affiliated parties won
545 of 547 seats to remain in power for a fourth consecutive five-year term.
Independent observation of the vote was severely limited due to government
restrictions. Although the relatively few international officials allowed to observ